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Circular address of James Clark and Richard A. Buckner to their constituents of the 3d and 8th Congressional Districts of Kentucky / James, Clark, Richard A. Buckner. Clark, James, 1779-1839. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images University of Kentucky, Electronic Information Access & Management Center Lexington, Kentucky 2002 b92-117-28228737 Electronic reproduction. 2002. (Beyond the shelf, serving historic Kentuckiana through virtual access (IMLS LG-03-02-0012-02) ; These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Circular address of James Clark and Richard A. Buckner to their constituents of the 3d and 8th Congressional Districts of Kentucky / James, Clark, Richard A. Buckner. Clark, James, 1779-1839. s.n.], [S.l. : 1828. 24 p. ; 22 cm. Coleman Microfilm. Atlanta, Ga. : SOLINET, 1993. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (SOLINET/ASERL Cooperative Microfilming Project (NEH PS-20317) ; SOL MN03239.04 KUK) Printing Master B92-117. IMLS This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. United States Politics and government 1815-1861. Tariff United States.Buckner, Richard Aylett, 1763-1847. e rrt1Iav Rre"9 OF JAMES CLARK AND RICHARD A. BUCKNMR TQ THEIR CONSTITUENTS OF THE 3d and 8th Congressional Districts qf Kentudy. FELLOW CITIZENS. TOWARDS the close of the last session of Congess, it was our in- tention to have addressed you by a circular letter, pointing out and ev- plaining the most important measures which had occupied the attention of that body, since their meeting in December last. It was deferred un- der a hope that many of them, which had been introduced at an early period, would have been definitively acted updn, long before the terini. nation of the session; so that we might not be compelled to hazard a con- jecture as to their probable issue, but be enabled to speak of them as they might actually eventuate. In that however we were in a great de-. gree disappointed. On our return hompe, we found the State so covrr- ed with political pamphlets, newspapers, c. that we thought ittbest to defer it until after the election. It is a subject of regret, that too much of that time, which should have been devoted to the dispassionate consideration of measures, involving the most important interests of the American people, was consumed in fruitless de ate, upon propositions (such for instance as that upon the subject of retrenchment) from which no beneficial result could reasona- bly have been expected; the discussion of which for weeks in succession at great expense, as we tben believed and still most confidently believe, was pursued for political eflect only. It is a subject of yet deeper regret, that the violence of party spirit, so ill suited to that calm and sober reflection, which should ever mark the course of the patriotic statesmap, mingled itself too much with most of our deliberations. Whilst the unrestrained indulgence of such feelings must be deplored, as producing distraction in council, and consequently an unwise course of legislation, by the adoption of measures which-.,. time to come mav serve as dangerous precedents, we may yet console ourselves with the reflection, that its existence, to a certain extent, is i,. separable from the very nature of our goveriment. The history of every republick, from those of Greece and-Rome to tile present day, illustrates the truth of this observation. It is one of the unavoidable 'results of liberty itself; which is however by far more than balanced by the bless- ings which liberty confers. Let us not despond because we do not glide along as harmoniously as the disinterested patriot and friendsgof good or- der desire. That there are those amongst us, who regardless of their duties as citizens, and apparently spurning the benefits of the wisest and best ordered government that the ingenuity of man has ever devised, seek their own aggrandizement, reclklis of consequelices; and even speak ofa disunion of the States with a carelessness and apbthy, whiclhWhenvtbe angry excitemenst of the day shall have subsided trust render themn objects of universal execration, is too true. We need not however be alarined. There is, we hope, too much intelligence and patriotism in the people of the United States, to permit treason to rear its head with impunity. A' few discontented Catalines there are, no doubt, in every State (wetare sure there are in Kentucky,) who bankrupt in fortune, and still more so in principle a"d reputation. perceiving that their only hope rests upon the dissemination of filsehood and deception, would rejoice at such an event. Washington, whose name is identified with the liberty of our country, speaking of that union, a.9 the maian pillar in the edifice of our rcal independence, warns us of the. approach of such insidious demagogues, and urges the vital importance of its preservatiou. lie said, addressing himself to the peo- ple of the United States, " You should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it, accus- toming yourselves to think and speak of it, as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discoiintenan- cing whatever may suggest even a sBnspicion, that it can in any event, be abandorned and indignantly frowning upon the very first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of otir country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which U0owr link together the various parts." This was the disinterested admonition of one, who having really "filled the measure of hiis country's glory,"' looked with the fond eye of parental solicitude, to tihe prosperity and happiness of a people, in whose service he had spent the greater portion of a lontg and laborious life. If no event in the political history of our country, had then transpired, which pointed out the necessity of such advice; the sentiments engendered in the bit- ter strife and political warfare wbich is n'ow waged, which have beer. either openly avowed, or so plainly insinuated, that .none can mistake their tendency, prove that it was neither unmeaning nor superfluous. At such a crisis it behoves every man who regards the permanency of our republican institutions, as of more value than the success of a party. to divest himselfof party prejudices and calmly to listen to the dictates of a soher-judgment. It is in times of great political excitement only, that the wily arts And intrigues of the cunning and ambitious are to be dread- ed- It is at such a time, more than. at any other, that the country stands in need of the exertions of the aged and experienced; the sober and re- flecting men of the country, who from their weight of character, can cbecjk the rashness and violence of the more giddy and tureflecting: To such men, at such a period, more than to even those who risk. their lives ill def.-ncc of our country, must we stand indebted for the preservation of our liberties. 'The latter aid in repelling the aggressions of a for- eln foe;. the former perform a not less meritorious duty, ini guarding us against the machinations of internal enemies. Influenced by these consider:ttions, it has been our constant aim, since we had the honor of serving as the representatives in Congress of our rc- spectivc Olistricts. to pursue the course which was in our opinions, bpst calculated to allay sectional prejudices, and to unite by the most indisso- lible bonds, the various States of the Uniow; to regard every section of thc country. as equ-:1ll rntiflel to the fostering care arid protection of S the government: and to render us in every sense of the term a free and independent people. To effectuate the first of these great desideratums, we have considered the subject of Internal Improvements by the General Government, as worthy of the highest consideration. What can be better calculated to produce those feelings of brotherly affection, that conviction of an unity of inter- est, which can alone be relied upon, as the sure basis of perpetual union, than a free and uninterrupted intercourse commercial and social, betweeR the people of every part of the United States What, we may ask, so 'well calculated to aid in defeating the ambitious schemes of unprincipled men, who may attempt to excite a belief, that the interests of the West are essentially different from those of the North; or of either from those of the South We know that there are many who deity the Constitutional right on the part of Congress, to appropriate the money of the nation to such purposes; and we do not forget that there are others, who although they admit the right, urge that under the present Administration it has been perverted to dishonest purposes. It is not our design in this address, to enter into an investigation of the Constitutional question; or to shew how unfound- d and ungenerous such charges are. You.have no doubt seen a list of the laws passed at the last session of Congress, and probably have read most of them, as they have been pub- lished in many of the publick prints. We shalt. not therefore attempt to refer to each of them separately. Amongst the most important may prop- erly be ranked, those embracing the subject of Internal Improvements, And a Tariff of duties, on merchandize imported into the United States. Under the first head were passed the following bills: lst A bill making the usual appropriation of30,0Iro for surveys ror Internal Im- provements. 2d. A bill authorizing a subscription for stock of the Chesapealk and Ohio Canal Company to the amounlt of a million of dollars. The subscriptios or tidivid uals and corporations are to amount to two willious wore. 3d. A bill to authorize the erection of a brok-iwvater in the D6!asv-re bay; and several other bills appropriating money or portions of the public landito other ob- jects of improvement. Appropriations were also made for fortifications, for the improvement efour harbours and navigable rivers, and for the gradual increase of the Navy. Bills also passed, affording relief to the purchasers of public lands, which you will recollect the President recommended, ili his message to both houses of Congress, at the commencement of the late session. An attempt was made in the Senate to graduate the price of the pablick lands, but failed. If it be proper, to.make an) alteration in the laws 0o this subject, the prices should be so regulated, as to afford an opportunity to the poor, to become the owners of at least a small- tract of land, upon which to settle, and raise families. Bat should not the reduction of price be confined to those, who per- manently settle upon the land, and the purchase of each individual in such case limited to a single tract There are many poor mea with fami- lies, and many young met without families, echo are unable to buy at present prices, who would make useful and deserving members of so- ciety: whose attachment to their country would be naturally strength 4 ened, by becoming the owners of a portion of its soil. A honm and a family are strong incentives to a love of country. The recollection ot them nerves the arm of the warrior; and inspires the breast of the patriot. This subject will no doubt, be again brought before Congress. What- ever vote we may give, relating to it, we cau say, that we are decidedly opposed to any measure, calculated to throw it into (te hands of specula- tors, and thereby place it beyond the reach of those, who wish to settle on it. To those, who are able to buy for thle purposes of speculation, the price is already sufficiently low. Nor can we acknowledge the propriety of the proposition whi0l1 Was also made in the Senate, to cede any portion of the publick lands, to tlt states, in which they are respectively situated. Why should that, which belongs to us all, to the purchase of which, all have contributed, be gra- tuitously bestowed upon the people of soine particular states 'V ould it not be an act of manifest injustice te the others Besides, they have been solemnly pledged for the payment of thle national debt. They were acquired by the united efforts of the whole nation, at the expense of both our treasure and blood; and under a judicious management, will prove to be a source of great revenue. Since the adoption of the Federal Constitultion, nearly thirty-three millions of dollars have been paid, from the national treasury, for the lands purchased from France and Spain, and from the various tribes of Indians. We have acquired about two hundred and sixty millions of acres, bf which, not qpuite twenty millions have been sold. A bill was reported, but not finally acted upon, and will no doubt be again introduced, proposing to estahlish a new territorial government, to be called Huron, including the country, which is situated between the Missouri river on the West, and lake Michigan on the East. Should the bill pass, as it probably will, we shall then have four territo rial governments, all of which, in a fewv years, will doubtless become great and flourishing states. The history of the world do-es not afford a-ny oth- er example, of sucd rapid increase of population, of commerce, of wvealth and national importance. Commencing with thirteen states we shall, in little over half a century, have more than double that number; with it population of about three millions, we shall in the'sarne period have ill creased to about five times that number. At that period, destitute of a navy, we now own one, which we are annulaflv increasing, and which, every thing considc red, is inferior to none. except that of Great Britain, and according to the number of ships. greatly superior to that. At the last session, a bill which hlad been presented, in different shapes, for-several preceding sessions, passed, making provision for the officers and soldiers of the revolutionary war, who remained in service to the close of it. .Of all the important subjects, however, which occupied the attention of Congress during the last session, the bill already mentioned, imposing 3.l ioiial duties upon articles of merchandize, imported into the United St.tec. frorn foreign countries, was considered as the most important, and conwumed in its investigation and discussion, the greatest length ot time. We need make no remarks upon. the general principles, upon which the friends of the tariff of duties vindicate such a system. The pro. priety of encouraging the industry of our own citizens, in preference to that of other nations; of multiplying their sources of employment, and 5 consequent means of support; of not only encouraging the industry, but promoting the enterprize and skill of our mechanicks; of creating a home market for thesurplus produce of our farms, by purchasing from American factories and workshops, rather than from those of England andother parts of Europe, is at this day, too universally acknowledged in Kentucky, to re- quire an argument to support it; even if the limits of an address like this, would permit. Indeed, the point in contest, on this subject, between the two contending parties in this state, seems to be, which is entitled to the credit of having most contributed, to the passage of the bill, at the late session. It has been emphatically styled," a Jacksop tariff," and to the South, has been falsely ascribed the almost entire credit of its support. A more palpable fraud was never attempted to be palmed upon the cre- dulity of any people. Can there be a more fair and satisfactory mode of ascertaining the devotion of either party to the principles of the system, than the vote whicb they respectively gave upon the passage of the bill in both houses of Congress Why has not that vote been exhibited by those who have attempted to impose on the publick, the erroneous im- pression, that it was a Jackson tariff The answer is obvious: it would lbave defeated their fraudulent attempt. The journals will shew, that while a large majority of.the friends of the Administration voted for the bill, a large majority of the Jackson party voted against it. Not a single member favorable to the election of General Jacksen, from the states of Vir-inia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, MisFissippi or Tennessee, voted for the bill on its passage, in either house, except Senator Eaton. Yet it would be unjust, because untrue, to de- clare that the whole Jackson party voted against it. We do not believe that those of that party, who. thus opposed its passage, were influenced by their devotion to the election of General Jackson; nor is there the slight- est reason to suppose, that the Administration party are opposed to the priiuciples upon which a tariffof duties is founded; because amajdrity of the party voted for the bill, imperfect as some of therd insisted it was; many of those who voted against it, declaring themselves friendly to the system, and opposing the passage of the bill, on the ground only, of what they con- sidered an unjust and unprofitable imposition of burthens upon the people w hom they represented. Such a subject never has and never can be presented to the Congress of the United States, without producing great excitement, and even among its friends strong collision of opinion. Such, it is well known, was the case when the bill of 1324 was under consideration. The en- couragement given to the production of any article of necessity or com- fort, is of national importance; because all, to some extent, may share its benefits; but until competition shall have reduced its price, the benefits are more immediately felt by those engaged in the production of such ar- ticle. The ultimate benefit of the reduction of price, as well as the more important consideration of our being placed in a condition, as to the ar- ticle, independent of foreign nations, is too often partially overlooked even by its friends; and hence the difficulty of reconciling the conflicting views of those representing, what is by some considered conflicting inter; ;sts. To insist that to the good feeling of the South towards the West we are indebted for the passage of the bill, is worse than ridiculous. Do you not all know. that the people of the South, almost to a man, are most decided a ly opposed to such a bill for any purpose except for revenue ID6 we cat at thisvcry time, behold them labouring under a most lamentable state of excitement, growing out of this very bill, which hag led to the verb verge of a dissolution of the Union, a patriotic but deluded people Eave you not noticed the inflammatory. speeches of some of their most diAti'.guisiitd leaders; the rash and violent resolutions of their conven- tions, and sorne of their still more violent toasts, in which they speak of Kentaucky Hemp as better suited for cravats for us, than for the Cotton Bagging of the South We wish that we courld in this Address lay be- fore every one of you, the remarks of Mr. icIDuffie of South Carolina, one'of the leaders of the Jackson party in Congress, delivered at a pub- lic dinner given to him and Mr. Mlar-tin. A few extracts must, suffice- In speaking of the prospects ot the South in connexion with the Tariff, he says, "' A Govetonment formed for her protection determined and resolved to posh eve- ry matter to her utter ruin and annihilation. . Taxed to the amount of 10,000,000 per anaum---her commerce destroyed, her staples depressed to nothing..--her citi- zens in debt and her government regularly and progressiveli increasing these un- bearable evils, to enrich a set ofrnercenary, desperate politicians, who regularly barter sod sell the interest of this country, at every renewal of the Presidential elect tion. It was nothing more nor less than a selling and buying of the Presidency The people of one portion of the Uniond were corrupted. bought and sold by the mo- ney of another part, with a desperation and depravity nevee before ezbibited in any times. It was insufferable. None but a coward would bear it." And again, "The coninlerce of the Western States was but triffing in any otber article, tbaa hogs, mules. horses and cattle, whrcb were bought by the Souitbern Stated. Yet Kentucky was unanimous in voting for theTariff- Sbe had done all she could to de- stroy otircommerce and to ruin the market of our staples.. It weas high time she too should he made tofeut the effects of ike loiw price of our productions. No necesstty on earth should induce a Carolhnian to buy a hog, horse, mede or cow from that country. We most of necessity raise our own. How can we buy from them, witiioit involv- ing ourselves in utter ruin. it was madness in us any longer to carry on asicb a dis- advantageous commerce-and more especially with a people, desperately befit through the wicked influence of one man, on the ruin and annihilation of ibe South- arn pwrtion of lhb UDion." Who is this one man through whose wicked influence, in Mr. McDuffie's opinion, the Tariff bill passed, by which the South is to be ruined 'Nill any man of common sense say that he meant Andrew Jackson No, the one mhan alluded to is Henry Clay, the most able and efficient advocate of the AMERICAN SvST1rM, who has ever appeared o01 the floor of Congress; a man who by his eloquence and power of argument, has contributed more to its popularity, than all those combined, who are now shamefully engaged in persecuting and slandering him. If Mr. AlcDuffie then may be considered as speaking Southern opinions, the bill should be termed a Clay, not a Jackson-Tariff. We are not disposed however to ascribe the exclusive credit of aid- ing in passing the bill to either party. [hat the main object of a ma- jority of-the Jackson party waS to defeat it there can be no doubt; but that those, 'who on the passage of the bill voted -for it, did so from the best convictions of theirjudgments, is not questioned. We disdain to snake charges against any man or set of men, without just grounds of proof. We leave the province of malignant slander, to those who seem to delight to breath itstaited atmosphere; who riot in its filth, and hope '1 to fatlen on its spoij. Not only AMr. Clay but his. Western friends, ba a been often denouneed as having joined inaleague, with Northern men toadvance him to the Presidency., even atithe sacrifice of W-estern inr lerests. In such a time as thi, when the most pure and exalted patriots of the. country, have been subjected to the scurrility and wanton abuse, of the unprincipled minions of a most unhallowed ambition; the most hum- ble who havp been, in nriy way connected wv ithi the present Administra- tion, need alt hope entirely to escape censure. We feel a consciousness of having acted on all occasions from the best convictions of our judg. ments, and earnestly hope that the measures which we have advocated may redound to the general good. With a concise view of a few other matters we should have closed this Address, without adverting to the Presidential election, or any thing connected with it, except so far as it might be deemed necessary, in giv, ing a view of the proceedings of the last session of Congress. We should have pursued that course, under a conviction that the only legitimate object of such an address, is to lay before our constituents the proper information coucerning the proceedings of Congress, and as to the condition of the nation. 'But no option in this matter has beenaeft to us by the friends of General Jackson. The President to whose re- election you know we are favourable, is represented as a deceptions and unprincipled intriguer, a federalist, an aristocrat and monarchist. Va- rious other charges of folly and corruption are made agaitist him and the Administration generally, without in our opinion, the slightest foundation upon which to support them. It is an easy matter to pxhibit charges against the best and wisest of men. 'T'he most immactiite p4rity of character, the most disinterested devotion to country, through the great- erpartofalongand well spentli-fe, form no obstaclestosuch assaults, howevecr they may serve as antidotes against their influence. Washing- ton was charged, through the malevolence of his enemies, with an improp- er leaoing towards British interests. His Administration too, like that of the present day, was the sulbject of the most bitter invective and'scur- rilous abuse. And when towards its close, the representatives in Con- gress of a grateful people, proposed an address of thanks to him, contain- il a wish that the example set by him might be the guide of his succes- sors, twelve men only in the American, Codgress, were found who ven- tured to vote against it. of which number was Gen. Andrew Jackson. To even mention without giving any minute account of the services per- formed by Mr. Adams, in the various important stations which he has filled during a lapse of thirty four or five years, would occupy more room than could he devoted to it in this addreas; and to answer all the false charges circulated against him and the present Administration would require volumes. Avery concise view, however, of his political life, with a few remarks, as to some of the matters for whieh he and the Administration have been denounced, may not be uninteresting to some of you. Mr. Adams first made his appearance as a politician and statesman in 17.93; being only about 20 years of age, and proved himself to be even then an able writer, by his essays in favour of Gen. Wishingtori's- Administration. Before Mr. Jefferson's retirement from the office of Secretary of State, which he held under WashingtoD, he recommended him to the General as a proper person to be introduced into the service of the countiy. It is said that his writing had attracted the attention ot Gen. Washington. Certain it is that ;n 1794, when only about twenty-seven years of age, he was noniinate4 by Gen. Washingtoo and appointed a Minister resident to the Netherlands. le was also appointed by Washington as Minister Eienipotentiary to Portugal. On his way, from the Hague to Lisbon, he received a new commnission, changing his destination to Berlin-His appintment to Berlin was made by his father, who had previously consulted Gen. Washington on the subject, who in a letter dated February 20th 1797, addressed to Mr. Adams (the elder) relating to that matter said, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most valuable publick char- acter we-bave abroad; and that there remains no doubt, but he will prove bimself to be the ablest of all our diplomatic corps. If he was to be brought into that line or into any other publicls walk, I could not, upon the principle, wbich bat regulated my own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in your letter. But he is already entered; the publick more and more as he is known, are appreciating bis talents and wortb; and his country would stsain a loss, if these were to be cbeck- ed'by over delicacy on yuour part. Signed, GEORGE WASHINGTON." He remained at Berlin until the spring of 1801, and therefore took no part in the bitter contests of the political parties, which were organized during his Father's Administration. In 1802 he was elected to the Senate of Massachu- setts-Ia 1803 he was elected to the Senate of the United States. Whilst per- forming the duties of that station he incurred, by the support which he gave to certain measures of Mr. Jefferson's Administration, the displeasure of the le- gislature of his State, which was composed of a majority of federalists. They elected a man to succeed Mr. Adams, whose political opinions accorded better with their own: and he resigned before the period for which he had been elect- ed had expired. In June 1809 he was appointed by Mr. Madison as Minister to Russia. By Mr. Madison also, he was placed at the head of the commission of five, who ne- gotiated with Great Britain the treaty which terminated our last war with that nation. He was shortly afterwards engaged with Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin in forming a commercial treaty with the same nation. Havng been appointed by Mr. Madison as our Minister to London, he remained at that place until the election of Mr. Monroe to the office of President, who appointed him Secretary of State, in which station he remained ubtil his own election in 1825. About this time Gen. Jackson advised Mr. Monroe in the selection of his Ministry, to avoid party and party feelings; and to select from the federal as well as republican ranks. Mr. Monroe would not follow this advice, be- cause he said, "that the association of any of the federal party in the Adminis- tration would wound the feelings of its friends to the injury of the Republican, cause." Gen. Jackson in a letter to Mr. Monroe dated March 18th 1817, speak- iing of his selection of Mr. Adams as Secretary of State, says: ,I have no hesi- tation in saying you have made the best selection to fill the Department of State that could be made. Mr Adams, in the hour of difficulty, will be an able helpmate, and I am convinced, his appointment will afford general satisfac- tion." Such we believe to have been the opinion of a large majority of the peo- ple of the United States. But since it has become an object of ambition with Gen, Jackson to fill the Presidential Chair, art ambition (of which considering his course through life, and his entire want of qualification, the history of the world does not afford a. parallel) he who in 1817, was of all otheri most properly selected to fill an of- ice, second in importance to the Presidency only, is now represented by him as an arch and unprincipled intriguer. To the very day of the last Presidential election, we hear of no charge made by the Gen. against Mr. Adams; so far from it, his own witness, Mr. Buchan- nan, proves that he spoke of him in terms of the highest respect. How and under what circumstances he has since spoken of him and Mr. Clay you all know. 9 Yet awainst Wim who enjoyed the confidence of Washinoton andof Jefrr- son to te day of their death; and who still enjoys that of Madison and Mon' rue, the poisoned arrows of malice and envy are levelled in vain. his ene- mies may traduce his character; and those who are out, but ambitious of pow- er, may hope to-surcced by raising a false clamour about corruption, extrava- gance, c. but the people, however, for a moment they may have been bewil- dered by the wily arts of aspiring demagogues, and the falsehoods which have been scattered in every direction through the country, from the pressesof mer- c'enary editors and writers, have marked the course of the present Administra- tion, and have too much intelligence to be thus gulled. They have witnessed the most extraordinary spectacle of an Administration condemned as utterly corupt, whilst most of its enemies except in the South, dare not oppose its leaditg and most important measures, nay of actually proving and urging that they are more devoted friends of them than even tie Adminibtration party. They may chatter about pictures of Indians, and paying Jerry Smith ii blacking their shoes and boots, and Jimmy Tennison for their reboard,' and about the wages of extra Clerks and messengers or bearers of despatches riding in post chaises instead of mail stages, (as the President in his plain style some- times travels.) But it will not effect the desired object. The tide of publick opinion is setting with a bold and resistless current against the "Military CfMef- tain," "s the hero of two wars," who born in 1767, learned his principles of re- publicanism as he tells us, in the dapysand from the sages of the revolution. Where he imbibed his notions of charity -and justice towards the motives and characters of his competitors, which taught him to suppose that it was quite fair and honourable to exhibit unfounded charges against them, so' that they be made by "his own fireside," we are yet to be informed. Calculations, in no such case, can be made with absolute certainty, but we believe the votes of the States will stand as follows: For 4dams For Jackson Maine . - 9 South-Caroliha - - 1L New Hampshire - - 8 Georgia - - - - 9 Massachusetts - - 15 Alabalha - - - - 5 RChode-Island - - 4 Tennessee - - - - 11 Connecticut - - - 8 Mississippi - - 3 Vermont - - - - 7 Illinois . - - - 2 Nw-York . - - - 26 Missouri - 3 - 3 New-Jersey - - 8 New-York - - 10 Delaware - - - 3 Maryland - - - 10 54 Ohio - - - , 16 Doubtful Kentucky - 14 Maryland - - - I Louisiana - - 5 Virginia - - - - 24 2disana - - - - 5 Pennsylvania - - - 28 North-Carolina- - - 15 138 Illinois - - I - 1 -123 Upon the subject of the Presidential election and the vote given by a. majori ty of the representatives from this State, we will only add, that the last election of members to Congress shews the estimate in which our respective constitu- ents hold us, and the late election of Gen. Metcalfe, who also voted or Mr. Adams, proves how unfounded was the charge, so frequently and confidently made, that the voice of Kentucky had been disregarded. We have already alluded to the resolutions introduced at the last .sessions, upon the subject of a retrenchment of the expenditures of the governmcnt. The administration had been cnarged with a most alarming prodigality, in tht 10 expenditures of the., money of the nation. We did not believe, that there was the slightest foundation for such an accusation. We wvere convinced, as we still are, that it was intended to operate upon the ensuing Presidential election; and that but for that, it would not have been even introduced; or if introduced; wouldnot haveconsumed one day in debate. As it wasptesented however,and by a Jackson member, we did not hesitate to vote for it. Satisfied that the pub- lick funds had been honestly and judiciously managed; but willing-and anxious, that if in this we had been deceived, the truth might be exposed, and the error corrected, we avoided no examination however severe; nay, wve invited the most rigid scrutiny. Its progress through the House of Representatives, was sorme- what ludicrous, and must have been quite amusing to all disinterested spectators. A few flourishing speeches having been made in support of them, whil-I might have added to the excitement and- suspicions of many of the people uUin that subject, a strong disposition was manifested by many of its friends, to abapdon it. But this was strenuously resisted. We insisted that having exhibited their bill of indictment against the Administration, the plea of not guifty had been plead, and that they were bound to acknowledge, that the prosecution was groundless, or to substantiate, by proof, the charges exhibited. The-charges as originally made, in the resolutions, were to a great extent abandoned; for amendment ofter amendment was proposed and most graciously accepted by the mover of the resolutions, tmtil nought of its original form except ite head remained; and these since celebrated resolutions, mutilated and disfigured as they were, but for the name, would not have been recognised, even by hinm As amended, after having consumed a considerable portion of our time, and consequently costing the nation an immense sum, they passed. A committee was appointed. The examination was commenced, and a more complete abor- tion upon any subject, was, in our opinions, never witnessed in that body, than this whole .matter proved to be. If there was corruption and a misapplication of the pubtick -funds, why were not the abuses corrected. We are told that the Administration, the heads of the departments, refused to'co-operate. Is that a sufficient excuse Do they not boast, that they bad a triumphant majority; that it was a Jackson Con-reUs Could they not then adopt any measure they might think proper Is nlat the assertion that the co-operation of the heads of departments ws as necessary to a successful prosecution of the inquirv, virtually an acknowledgment that the whole charge rested upon mere'suspicion That there may some cases that have occurred, under the present Administration, in which money has been uselessly expended, is probable. Stich has no doubt been the case under every preceding administration; and such must ever be the case, until those who superintend its disbursement, are not only pure in principle, but infallible in judgment. But that there has been more of it since Mr, Adams's election than at any former period, is what we most conscientiously believe is untrue. Many have been made to believe that the expenditures of Mr. Adams's administration for three years. have exceeded those of Mr. Monroe's during a like period, by seven or eiaht rt-.lions of dollars. This we deny, nnd shall attempt- to shew its utter inaccuracy. Yet if even true, it would of -itself, be altogether unsatis- ,factory, to prove either porruption or prodigality on the part of the President or the Administration. The rational inquiry in such case is, has the money been properly expended A nai may ex)elnd 5000 one year, and double that amount the r.ext, aiid yet have acted as wisely in the one period as the other. If this be not correct, then the as isdom and purity of an Administration would be made to depend, not upon the objects to which the funds entrusted to its care might be upphxed, but upon the smallness of the amount expended. One man may annually' nake contracts and lay out his 010 only, very unwisely d4 unprcfitabV, whilst hi; n ni:-hb-ur mnay very jndiciously and profitably e.x pend treble that amoun'. 1I The same Administration too, might, by such a rule, be esteemed wise and frugal this year;. and profuse and wasteful the next. Thus under the Adminis- tration of General Washington, the expenditure for three years was as follows - For the year 1793, it was 1,718,129 1794, 3,500,34 1795, 4,50,59 An examination of every succeedIng Administration will present a similar result, as to the variation of expenditures for different years. Under the AA- ministration of Mr. Jefferson, for three years it was as follows: For the year 1806, it was 6,080,209 1807, 4,984,572 1808, 6,504,333 There was expended during the first year of Mr. Madison's presidency, mwe by about one million, than in thie preceding year. Was General Washington's Administration more wise and economical in 1793 than in the following year, or in '34 than in '95 The same question may be asked as to that of Mr. Jefferson, and whether the last year of his AdminiAtration was managed, as to pecuniary matters, more wisely and economically by one mnillion, than the first of his successor Mr. Jefferson was never.accused- of incurring unnecessary expenditure, 3et the average amount Lpended during his Presidency, was nearly double that of General Washington's. Washington's was 2,794,221 Jefferson's was 5,137,s98 61 And Mr. Madison's greatly exceeding that of Mr. Jefferson. Yet we are not by this calculation authorised to declare, that the one was more frugal than the other. The expenditure of any one year is almost if not always increased, by the appropriations of preceding years. Besides, it would be as ridiculous to suppose that the expenses of the-present Administration ought not to exceed those of former Administrations, (Mr. Jef- ferson's for instance,) as that of a family consisting of fourteen or fifteen would not be expected to expend more than one of four or five persons. And even th increase of population forns no just criterion by which to estimate such mat- ters. The objects to which the money is appropriated; the character of the ex- penditure; the fidelity and judgment with which it is disbursed, are the proper criterions. For instance, in 1802 we had an army .of 2,400 rmen, costingsan- nually 844,009. WVe have now one of 6000 men at a cost of 2,050,317 an- nualTy. We had then six frigates, a few sloops and gun boats costing annually 00O,4O0 We have now 7 ships of the line, 11 frigates, 12 sloops, and many smaller vessels, costing annually 3,286,649 And which is annually increasing. Our whole system of fortifications and in- tejrnal improvement, costing millions oil millions, is, to a great extent, the off- spring of a policy brought into practical operation, since the days of Mr. Jef- ferson's Presidency, and prior to that of Mr. Adams. Whether the system be wise or unwise, it is the province of the nation to judge, whose sanction it has received again and again. The amounts appro- priated for these and for the various otner purposes of the government, miust necessarily depend, not upon the discretion of the President, but upon the wis- dom of Congress, and should be increased or decreased, as in their wisdom may seem to be proper. Thus wtiilst under Mr. Monroe's Presidency there was ex- pended on fortifications for the years 1822, 1823, and 1824, 1,368,432 There was expended for the same purpose, under that of Mr. Adams, for a like period, to-wit, for 185. 1826. and 18'27, 2,169,64M Subtract 1,368,432 801,216 12 Making 80I,216 expended on fortifications alone, in-three years of Mr. Ad- ams's time, rhore than for a like period under that of Mr. Monroe. The appro- priations, however, for 1825, were made before fMr. Adams came iato the office of President. No one insists that this money has been improperly expended. But if so, it was not the fault of the President, but of Congress, who made the appropria- tions; who have the tight of multiplying or extending the objects of publick expenditure; and who would be faithless servants, were they not to do so, when- ever in their opinions, the money can be spared, and the publick interests there- by advanced. To shew how far this remark may be applied toall the money expended in any one year, for the support of government) we submit the following extract from the very able and lucid report of the minority of the committee on the subject of retrenchment, made towards the close of the late session, which will shew how far the expenditures depend upon legislative will, and how far upon ex- ecutive discretion.' In 1826, the total expenditures were S13,062,316 27, ex.- clusive of the payments on account of publick debt, which in that year, amount- ed to 11,041,P82 19, of which former sum, more than ten puts out of thir- teen, were for the military establishment, which that year cost, including mili- tary pensions, 6,243,236 06, and for the naval establishment which the sambe year cost 4,218,9!02 45. Speaking of the year 1826, (and other years would give about the same re- suilt,) they say, in reference to the expeuditures of the 9excutive branch of the government: r' It has already been observed that this head embraced, for the year 1826, an expenditure of 469,776 08-being about one-fiftieth part of the aggregate expenditure of the Government. It consists of two parts: first, salaries anwcompensations established by law, including the salaries of the President, Vice President, Heads of Departments, and the subordinate officers of the Departments, down to the messengers of the offices The payments thus fixed by law, and which can neither be exceeded nor diminished, amount to more than four hundred thousand dollars. The residue, say for the year 1826, about 80,000 dollars, is for what are termed con- ingent expenses, the nature of which will require but one word of explanation There is no smnertainty or contingency, as to the necessity ot these expenses for the public service. The Departments must be provided with fuel, stationary, furniture, books, and whatever else is wanted for the business of the Nation. They are uncertain and contingent only as to the amount, and because the respective items cannot be estimated, with perfect precision, in ad- vanoe. The great bulk of them ii, however, absolpteiy indispensable. A small portion may pocsibly be liable to some difference of opinion, in the judgment of' different men, according to the views they are inclined by temperanewnt or habit to take. It would be a very large allow. znce to suppose that one-tenth part could be subject to debate or question, even with those whose notions on such points are most rigid. But, for the present purpose, let it be aaswsued that one-tenth part is debateable. Then the case will stand thus: Total expenditure ill the year 1S26, debt included, being - - 24,103,398 07 The expenses of the Executive Department, including the Staf of the Army, are 1-50th, or - - - . - 489,776 07 The expenses termed contingent are not quite 1-6th part of that sum, or, say 80,000 00 And of these confingencies, it is supposed, fur the present, that there may be 1-10th subject to diipute, as before stated - - 8,000 00 Which latter sum may be considered as fiurn.ishing the field Qf retrenchment. Then, the expenses of the Executive Dleupa:r.:ent being 1-50th of the whole expenditure, and the contingent wpenses 1-Gth of the ex;pnses of the Executive Department, they. are 1-330th part of the whole; and the debateable part of the contingent expenses being but 1-lotr part, it amounts to but 1-10th of 1:300th part, or 1-30000th part of the whole expendi- sure-that is to say, I-30th part of one pexcent." How utterly ridiculous then is it to suppose that there can be in that any alarming extravagance. How very uncandid and unfair to induce, the people to believe, that millions of their money, under this Administration, have been annually uselessly squandered or corruptly applied. If expenses have, in any instance, been improperly incurred, or money dis- hoilcstly applied, if it be but to the amount of one dollar, let it be proved, and 13 those who are guilty condemned. We know of no sLich example. But it is folly and wickedness to excite an unnecessary and idle alarm about profusion, extravagance, corruption and rapid strides towards national bankruptcy, when neither this, or any other nation, was ever ill a more prosperous condition than we now are, and when it is clear that the publick funds have been ably and faithfully managed. The President recommends the observance of a rigid economy. In his late message to both house of Congress, in speaking of the publick debt, he says: "The deep solicitude felt by our citizens of all classes throughout the Union, for the total discharge of the public debt, will apologise for the earnestness with which I deem it my duty to urge this topic upon the consideration of Congress-of re- commending to them again, the observaoce of the strictest economy, in the applica- tion of the public flinds." If this advice be not pursued, let the representatives of the people answer to their constituents. Let not the blame be' cast upon the President. It has been said that the President's message shews that our expenses, last year, exceeded by 900,000, the amount of the revenue of that year. That was given by the President as what might be the probable result. But you were not informed at the same time, that in the same message, he says, (X that which was estimated as expenditures in that year, and of which this 900,000 was a part, upwards of six millions had been applied to the discharge of the principaL of the public debt, and that on the first day of January of the same year, the balance in the treasury was 6,358,686 18. Is the application of the revenue io the payment of the public debt a crime Its entire extinguishment is what tve earnestly wish for, anid confidently expect to see realised in a few. years. On the first day of January 1816, it was 127,334,933 74 On the first day of January 1823, it mas only 67,413,377 92 Our Stock in-the Bank of the United States is 7,000,000, which must be deducted. On the first day of July last, 5,000,000 were paid. 5,0D0,000 contractbd for the purchase of Florida should also be deducted, whith will eave our public debt at this time 50,413,377 92 This calculation shews that in.twelve'yclars, almost eventy-seven millions of Ihe principal of that debt bave been paid. The interest has alsin been paid; all the expenses or government, and all just claims against it have been met; the pensions to the officers and soldiers of the revolution have been paid, roads vonstrueted and canais dug, fortifications erected,'our navigable rivers and hat. trors improved, our navy greatly increased and our commerce protected. In fine, no interest seems to have been neglected. We might have mentioned too, when speaking of the payment of the public debt, that in the short space of time since Mr. Adams came intO office, upwards of thirty-eight millions of dollars have been applied to that purpose. But for this, his enemies say, he and the Administration are entitled to no credit, be- cause they have only applied the rmoney faithfully to the pqrposes designated by a la, paswed long before he came into office. Wvlihat credit cal be justly due to any public servant, except for the, honest and faithful discharge of bis duty This debt is divided into stock, bearing different rates of. interest. The own. crs of it, having the United States as theirdebttr.,kxowing that it is there safely invested, and bringing a reasonable interest, alwayspunctually pail,would not receive the money if it were now tendered, and the government has no right to tender until it becomes due. Unless wvar occurs, a calamity which from pre- sent appearances we have no right to anticipate, wse shaN l t very able to Ineet each payment as the money becomes due, and havse an immense surplus. Awl yet all this is to be effected without any direct tax-. Not one cent of direct coatritution is demanded from any r-un. The x, le anount of the revenue, 14 usually amounting to twenty odd millions, with the exception of about a million annually received from the sales of public lands, is the proceeds of duties upon merchaardize imported from foreign countries, which we buy or not, as it suits our convenience and pleasure. Is it possible that the American people, enjoying every blessing, secured in every right that man can reasonably wish for, should desire a change of con- ditionI There never has been a period, since the institution of this government, that its burthens, if they deserve that name, sat more lightly-For although the rev- enue collected, is of necessity greater.than it was twenty or thirty years ago, yet according to the extent of our population, it is about the same. In the year 1796, our revenue amounted to 7,042,376. The population was then about 4,760S. Thaf was about 1 50 per head. In 1827, the revenue from cus- toms amounted to 20,190,522. Our population is'about 12,000,000 or perhaps more, which would make about one dollar and sixty-five or sixty-six cents for each individual. A dollar and fifty cents now, are not worth more than a dollar' was then. We have attempted to shew, that a Comparison of the expenditures (for all payments made by the government, whether of debts contracted during the revo- lution or since. are placed under the head of expenditures) is a mbst unfair and unsatisfactory mode of determining upon the respective degrees of frugality, of different administrations; because, among.other reasons, some of which have been already assigned, by such acomparison the administration under which he greatest amount of public debt had been paid, would be considered as the most profuse. You have been told, that the expenditures of the last three vears of Mr. Mon- roe's Administra'tion, were less by 8,685,307 44, than those of Mr. Afdams's for a like period. The following calculation, made by Mr. Storrs, of New-York, and Which wilt be found tobe accurate, on the closest scrutiny, -will shew how you have been deceived and imposed on, by such statements: UNDER MR.. MONROE. Balance in the treasury on the Ist ofJanuary, 1822, 1.681 692 24 Total receipts in 1822, - - 20,232,427 94 Do do in 18-2, - - 20,540,666 26 t)J do in 1824, - - - - 24,381,212 79 66,835,892 23 Deduct balaude left in the treasury, January 1st, 1825, 1,946,597 13 64,889,302 10 During the years 1822, 23 and 24, there was applied to the pay- mtet- of principal and interest of the public debt, 29,941.359 29 Wbick deducted. leaves the total expenditures of those three years exclusive'of public debt, '34,941,942 81 UNDER MR. ADAMS. Balance in Ike treasury Januarvy ist. 1825, 1,946,597 13 Total receipts in 1825, - - - - 26,840,858 02 Do do in 1826, - - - - 25,260,434 21 Do do in 1327, 22.878,528 68 77,026.398 04 Deduct the balance in the treasury January Ist, 1823, b,269,585 29 70,756,812 75 During the years 1825 26 and 27, there was applied to the pay- ment of the principal and intetest of the public debts 33,140,09 36 Which deducted leaves the total expenditures of those three years, 37,616,71t 39 Deduct the 34,941,942 8S And we have as the trie difference, - - - 2,674,774 53 But it should be remembered, that the receipts for 1827, include the Juin of 602- 480. paid by the British Government, tnder tire slave convention, of which 387,079 are included in the expenditures of 1827, as paid to the claimants, for whom the amount was received in trust. We have also shewn, that during the same periods, for fortifications alone, there was paid under Mr. Adams, 801,216 more than under Mr. Monroe-and the journals willishew-, that many of the men who voted for these and other appropria- tions chustituting the difference, are the very men who now complain of extrava- gance, and would rely on this difference, as testimony in support of such a charge. This comparison charges to Mr. Adams's administration the whole expendituur of the year 1825, which ought nilot, in justice, to bedone, as theappropriations for that year, had been made before he came into office. And let it not be forgotten that Mr. Calhoun, who is the candidate of the Jackson party for the office of Vice President, was then Secretary of War, and pirepared the estimates for the appro- priationsv, concerning the War Department: and the expenses of the military establishment, excluding the payn)ents towards the extinguishment of the public debt, and including miiilitary pensio's, constitute about, or nearly half of the total expenditures of each year. I Add then to the sum paid in the three years of Mr. Adams's administration, for fortifications, more than was paid for a like period for similar objects underMr. Monroe, to wit: 801,2 16 The followving appropriations, which do not come within the ordi- nary current expenses ot the government, tuo wit: 125. Grant to General La Fayette, 1826. Stock subscribed to Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Comp. 182 . Do. do. do. 1826. Stock subscribed for in Dismal Swamp Canal Co'npany, 1826. Stock in bouisville and Portland Canal Company, 1827. Stock in do. do. This stock we still own, and it is money judiciously invested, so that it cannot be estimated as an eipense upon which to found a charge, of ex- travagance. In 1825, 1826 and 1827, paid to thlestates of Virginia, Maryland, City of Baltimore, states of New York, Delaware and Pennsylvania, which was due to them as interest on money expended -by them for the use ot the U. States in the late war witt Great Britain-which did not constitute a part of what is termed the public debt, the sum of In 1825, 1826 and 1827, for building ten Sloops of War --the actau- thorizing this, passed 3d March, 1825, under Mr. Monroe, In 1826, purchase of Greek frigate, For buildings destroyed by the enemy during the late war, also under act of 341 March, 18;25, In 1826 and 1827, for Creek Treaty, and removing the Creeks wereof Mississippi. This treaty was negotiated in sursuance of a-contract be- weeen the general goveruumeat and Georgia, made under Mr. Jefferson's adsministration in 20W2, For the employment of an additional naval force, ot the Eastern coast of South America, (see act of 5th of April, 1826) say for two years, about 200,000 192,M00 107,500 150,000 0.000 10,000 "J 1, nZ4 829,76 2;,570. ,I- I Tt9 450,600 0,000 5 3.058,808 The amount of this fund, expended in the five last years of Mr. Madisoi'a admioistra tian, was 293,340 03, making an average of 58,668 doUarA per year. The amoont ofthis fend, expended in the eight years of M r. Monroe's a'mioistra tion, was 289,319 7. 8, making an average of 36,164 di)Iars 59 cents. 16 This calculation accounts fi r S3,958,8N, which do not Na[I within the o difiary current erpenses of the government. Deduct then from this 3,688,808 00 the sum of 2,676,774 4M and we have the sum of 1,284,033 58 in favor of Mr. Adams's Administration during the three years, instead of seven or eight millions against it. The present Administration has been charged with great extravagance, as to the expenses of our foreign intercourse. We cannot present a. more full and satisfactory view of this subject, than that given by Mr. Bartlett, a distinguiuhed member from New Hampshire, in a speech delivered in Congress, during last winter, which upon a careful examination, we believe to be correct. In answer to Mr. Rives of Virginia, he said, "' The fallacy or error of the statement (of Mr. R.) is in imputing to Mr. Adams ore year of the expenses incurred and provided for, before he came to the office. The appropriation for 1825, was made iti February, and with which Mr. Adams had nO more to do, then his saiccessor,whoeter hte may be, now has with the appropriation of this year. The amount of appropriations for foreign intercourse then stands thus UNDfER MR. MONROE. UNDER MR. ADAMS. In 1823, 82.000 In 1326, - - . 187,50t la 1824, - - 189.500 In 1827, - - 82.000 In 1825, . . , 213,000 lk 1h282, - (Panama) 40,000 - 49,000 484,500 _457,506 "Leaving the expense of the three last years, 27,000 less than the three last ap- propriations of the preceding administration. But let us lobklstill further back: sed first, to Washington's administration. The foreign intercourse gappropriations were then as follows: In 1791, . _ 1,733 33 1792, - - 78,766 67 In the time of Mr. John Adams: 1793, 89,500 09 In 1797, - - 172,504 23 1794, - - 146,403 51 I 1798, - - 242,711 22 1795. - - 912,635 12 1799. - 199,374 11 1796, - - 109,739 64 1800, - - 185,145 33 1,338,827 27 f 799,734 89 "In Mr. Jefferon's time these expenses, exclusive of the expense of the Barbary intercourse, were; In 1801, - 139:851 73 In 1805, - 2,665,769 62 1802, - . 416,253 62 1806, - 1,613,922 09 1803, - - 1.001,968 34 180Z. - - 419,845 61 1804, - 1,129,501 62 1808, - 214,233 26 7,591,435 89 "These tables are authentick, and shew how very far from the fact may be tire conjLectures and assertions, respecting the increasing extravagance and prodigality fo tbe government. "A Again: That item of the expense of foreign intercourse, embraced under the title of contingent expenses, has been adverted to, as a source of great abuse. Here, foi answer, let us resort to official documents. There was expended of this fund: UNDER MR. MONROE. UNDER MR. ADAMS. In 11923, - - 30,584 37 In 1826, - - 18,627 0-7. 1924, - '20,145 78 1827, - - 36,248 63 1925, . 25,474 95 1828, (no approp. asked.) 76,205 05 54,076 70 'This, which is designated as tbe contingent fund, til after the close of JeffersoD's tern, was not disLinguisbed, but embraced in a general sum for foreign intercourse. 17 TIe amount of this fund, expended in the two years past of Mr. Adams' adminis- tratiou, while no appropriation is asked for the present year, was 54,875 70, making an average of F27.437 8i for the two years; a sumn less annually than was expended by Mr. Madison, by 31 t230 dollars 15 'cents--less annually Lhau was expended by Mr Monroe by E;,726 dollars 74 cents. - Another view of this suhject presents results equally triumphant in favor of this Admriinistration, as does every view founded upon facts, and not conjecture and sup- position. 14 Take the appropriations of 1823, 24 and 25, incladiog all ministers, charges, agents of claims, secretaries, contingent expenses, intercourse with Barbary Pow ers, and relief of sick and distressed seamen, and the smas are: UNDER MR. MO.NROE. UNDER MR. ADAMS. For 1823, - - 198,455 17 For 1826, - - 266,500 1824, 0 - 261,500 00 1827, - - 230,000 j325, - - 282,000 30 1828,deductiogunex-g pended balance 6 743,955 17 548 500 "Which is lessi by 195,455 doflars 17 cents, than the same items of the three pre- ceding years. I prefer bUCh faCts to ay comment, and I present such facts, as see to re, to aeed no cormeut." You have been told, that Mr. Adams has received from the treasury enor- mous sums of money. hIas he on any occasion, received more than he was al- lowed by the officers of the law authorised to make the allowance No =u of common sense and candor, will pretend to make such a statement. And if even lbe had, wvhose fault was it He had nothing to do with the settlement of his accounts. AS Secretary of State, he had no more to do with it, than you have The accounts were allowed by Mr. Monroe, upon the most mature coqsideratioft of-the law. Not a dollar can be drawn from the treasury, until the account tft allowed, in pursuance of law, by those who have been legally autborised to make the settlement. Whether the compensation allowed to ministers for their ser- vice3, and the sums allowed to cover taeir expenses, be too high or too low, is a mpatter about which we need not say a word. Mr. Adams had nothing to do with it. They were fixed by General Washington, udder an authority given by Congress; and have not since been changed. They are less, by one fifth, thaSa they were during the revolutionary war. A minister then received two thou. sand five hundced pounds sterlin;g, per year, and the government paid all his ex- penses. During the present Adnministration, large sums have been saved to the govern- ment, by the permanent reduction, in the grade of twvo, und a ten1porarv reduc- tioti in another of our missions. from that of Envoy Extraqrdinary and M1inister Plenipotentiary, to a Charge d'Affairs. In speaking of Mr. Adams's accounts on the floor Qf CoDgress l;sst winter, Mr. Everett said, (and no one in reply, we believe, contradicted it,) --That for the obur years and eight months, comnsencing its 1812, when the first question of his accounts arises, and ending at his return, he received in all, about S75,000.- For a like termi, Mr. Monroe received 82,000-FQr one year and eleven M.Vr. Vinckney received 41.0Q0." A great portion of the surn received bv a minister, is not for services only; it is for outfits, and the practice of allowing full outfits to residett ministers abroad, was first introduced bv Mr. Jeffrs.on, As to the letter of Mr. Adams to Leavit Harris, many of those who use it art- fully, present a part of it on!y, carefully omitting to give the whole, or such parts of it as would shew, that it breathed a most patriotic spirit. What v riting can- not be made to condemn its author, by selecting h few words or sentcrices only There are various other clarges against Mr. Adams, about [fatters transpir- ig long before he came into office; atsd against the Administration since his elcction, lt is said he voted aggaisiast annexing Loukiana to the Union, upon thp B ground of its unconstitutionality. Mr. Adams was ila favor 'It tec aaupli '.iaon Ad Louisiana. On the 3d of November, 1803, he voted for the bill appropriating 11,250,000 dollars tocarry the convention by which it was acquired, into eficet. He made a speech In the Senate, in favor of it, reported in the National Intelli gencer of the 3d of November, 1803. He however entertained, and expressed the opinion, that the treaty could nor be constitutionally carried into full execution, until the consent. of the people oj the United States, as well as of touisiana, was obtained. That opinion he enter- tained in common with Mr. Jefferson as a letter written by himtp a Mr. Dunbar proves. It was then a new question whetlher we could purchase a country, take possession of it, und put its inbabitants under our government, without their con- stent first formally obtained. By practice it is now settled that we. can. He was Secretary of State under Mr. Monroe. and negotiated the treatv by which we acquired Florida. hid that bespeak hostility to Western interests He is charged, to be sure, with indiscreelt giving up 'Texas in that negotiation. By vhnm was the treaty apprecdC By Mr. foflroe and the Senate of the U. States, at least as good judges, ve shoulld presume, as any of those who urge 1hs and many other such stale and unfounded accusations. As to the charge of bartering to the British, the navigation of the M1ississipp;, it is untrue that Mr. Clay ever charged.hitri with corruption concerning it, either directly or indirectly. We cannot explain this matter in the limits of an addlress like this. Marny of you have often heard it satisfactorily ninswered. A claulce securing to the British that right, will be found in the treaty between the United States and Great Britain. in which she acknowledged our independence in ,7Ct;. No injury to the United States has ever resulted from it, and when the proposi- tion wes made by our ministers, vhiich we conceive was authorised 1y their in- structions from the then President, it was promptly rejected by the British comrnmissioners, considering it as a privilege of no value to them, ind that in com- plying with our demand, as to the fisheries, they would concede to us an imnor- trint and valuable privilege. This letter is already longer than it -as intended to be when commenced. We must briefly notice a few other 6harges against the Administration, and close it so far as it relates to that subject. And first, that of 1000 dollar5 paid for taking President Adaams's likeness. By this many have believed, that 100 dollars waspaid fordrawir.galikcness of Mr. Adams, to gratify his vanity, or that of his friends. Nothing can be more errone- cuis. It has been the practice, from the days of Washington to the present time, to have medals. distributed aftong the Indians, who are gratifieM by such atten- tions, and from whom we have made many fortunate purchases of land. These rmed+als always bear the likeness of the President for the time being. The 100 was paid for the die with which to impress the medals. Mr. Cal- houn, who is '.,av the candidate of the Jackson party for the Vice-Presidency, on the election of .Mr. Monroe, was appointed Secretary of War. He had a similar die, prepared tv the same artist, 1br the same price. Why has there been no objection to him on tJi.at account Is that a crime in Mr. Adams or his Admninis- tration, which other Presidents, and Mr. Calhoun, could do without censure The charge of money paid for taking Indian portraits, is of a similar character The object in taking them was to conciliate. Look at the returns from the war department. and you wvill see, that such was the practice, before Mr. Adams came into office. Mr. Barbour, a9 Secretaiy of War, only did what had been done before, without objection or censure. They no doubt believed that the U. States received a benefit from it. The charge as to money improperly paid fir printing, is utterly groundless. In general Washington's administrati6n, a law passed, making it the duty of the Secretary of State, to cause the acts of each session to be printed4 and distributed. Ae is moreover directed to cause them to be published in newspapers in each statc and territory. This necessarily costs a great sum of money; hit it is Th 19 the informaticrn of the people. The printing for three years for the post-office alone, cost about 14.000 dollars, of which there has been no complaint. Mr. M'Lean is claimed as a Jacksonite. The charge preferred against this Administration of a loss of the British West India or Colonial Trade; by its negligence, is most unjust. The British refused to treat with us on the subject. They insisted on regulating the trade by recip- rocal acts of legiAl tion, so that if in that way we had adjusted the mlatter, our trade would have been at the mercy of the British Parliament. Even a decree in Council, might have annulled what aur government insisted should be the sub- Ject matter of solemn treaty. We acted wi.sely, in refusing to subject our com. merce to the caprices and injustice of British cupidity. The money paid to John H. Pleasacits and J. A. King, has also been made the ground of a charge of corruption. As to Pleasants, we give the following ex- tract from the letter of Mr. Clay to the committee on that subject, in which letter Mr. Clay says, that Mr. Pleasants "w was whilst at sea, taken so ill, as to be appre- hensive of his life." He states further, that Mr. Pleasants procured a Mr. Hin- man to bear the despatches, and that they were safely delivered; that he went to England. and brought back with him despatches from our minister there, for which he might legally have been allowed a compensation; but that nothing was paid to him on that account. " Supposing the afflictibo of disease did not occasion a forfeiture of all claim for expensnes, and all compensation for services, the allowances to him were according to established usage, which has prevailed as far back as any traces of the ac- counts of bearers of despatches can be discerned in the treasury." As to the outfit allowed to John A. King, the Secretary's report on that sub- ject, shews, that his appointment was conformable to the construction given to the law on the subject, by every Administration, since its passage, which was as fitr back as 181o; and that the allowance to him was much lower than had by other Administrations, been allowed in similar cases. We will notice one other charge only, because we have not room to answer all. It takes only a line to contain a charge, but many to explain it, however false it may be. It is the amount of money used by this Administration, called secret service money, and the amount paid to Mr. Cook of Illinois, who was sent as an agent by the government. on important business, to the Island of Cuba. The authority, as well as the duty, of the President, to use that fund, when in his opinion it may advance the public interest, originated with the act of Congress, of July Ist I 790. It is declared, that "s such accounts of expenditures as he may think it ad- visable not to specify, shall be settled upon his certificate." When it is so used, it is prudent that secresy should be observed, because publicity would mest cer- tainly often defeat the object. Mr. Madison used a large amount of this fund, more perhaps, than all the other Presidents together. Mr. Adams has been improperly charged with having used of it 12,324 dollars 67 cents. Suppose it wvere true, would it prove that he had acted improperly If it was not intende that the money should be used, why was the authority given Mr. Madison esed of the fund termed " secret service money," 50,000 dollars at one time. If he was not uccused of corruption, why should Mr. Adams -be The charge however, as usually exhibited, is incorrect. The letter of tWe Secretary of State, on that subject, proves that Mr. Adams is justly chargeable with onl) 1,500 dollars. Mr. Clay in the letter above referred to says: "' Ist. That no part of the sum of 12,324 dollars 67 cents, has been disbursed5 in the domestic service of the government. ;' 2d. That of the 12,324 dollars,67 cents, expended according to the third sec- tion of the act of the first of May, 1810, the sum of 1,700dollars was paid in the year 1825, prior to the commencement of the present Administration. 3d. That the sum of 9,12;4 dollars 67 cents, was paid for services conceiverti 'projected and ordered, durringthe last Adruinistratibn. "1 4th. That the present Administration is no otherwise responsible for that dic- 'bursement, than in having continued and fixed the amount of compensation for 'services created and begun during the last Administration. "5th. That the bnly part of the sum of 12,324 dollars 67 cents, which has been 'expended in a service created by the present Administration, is the sum of '1,500 dollars." You therefore perceive, that the sum of 1,500 dollars, and not 1000 dollars, as has been asserted, was paid to Mr. Cook, for the performance of important ser- vices, deeply involving the interests of the United States, and more immediately those of the Western and Southern states. Those who favor the pretensions of General Jackson, l6ok forward to his Ad. ministration as the period for correcting all those supposed abuses and corrup- tions. Would it not be well therefore, after having thus scrutinized the accounts of Mr. Adams, and the expenditures under the present Administration, to turn our attention t6 those of General Jackson, antd thereby to form some opinion, upon whht foundation such hopes rest He was appointed a MajorGeneral on the 8th of June, 1814, and continued as such until the 31st of May, 1821. 1814. Pay from the 8th June to 31st Dec. - 1353 33 Sublistence for same time, double rations - - 1242 00 Forage for seven horses 4 MONTHS - - 224 00 Pay, rations and clothing, for four servants, 1st Sept. to 31st Dec. 256 84 transportation of baggage - - - - 75 00 3151 17 Pay - - - - - 2400 00 Subsistence, double rations - - - 2190 00 Forage - - - - - - 396 00 Pay, subsistence and clothing servants - - 620 97 Transportation of baggage from Nashville to Washington 187 50 Payment for room rent dnd fuel at Washington, 4 Weeks 162 00 For medical assistance to himself and suite at Washington 100 00 6056 46 1810-. Pay - - 2400 00 Subsistence - - - - - 1098 00 Extra rations - - - - - 1098 00' Forage - 536 35 Pay, subsistence, c. for servants - - 489 76 Transportation - - - - - 262 75 Quarters and fuel 200 00 For holding treaty with Chickasaw and Cherokee Indians 72 days - - - - - 576 Ot Expenses for self and Secretary to Chickasaw Council house 113 7T DO. to Turkey Town - - - 41 45 Do. from Turkey Town to Nashville - 84 62 6890 62 1817. Pay - - - 2400 00 Subsistence 1095 00 21 Extra. rations Forage Pay, c. for servants Transportation Quarters Fuel - - Pay - - - Subsistence - Extra rations a Forage - Pay, c. for servants Transportation Quarters, 6 months and 24 Office rent Fuel - - - Holding treaty with Cheroke, -- - - 1095 00 672 00 -- - 62080o - - - - X9800 - - 400 00 - .. . 45 00 1818. 6685 80 - -- - 2400 00 - - 1095 00 -- - 1095 00 - - - - 616 50 - - - - 680 80 - - 724 '0 days - - - 226 67 - - - 43 33 44 00 es, 36 days - 304 00 7249 50) Pay Subsistence Extra rations Forage Pay, c. for servants Rent of Quarters Fuel - - Transportation of baggage Services as Commissioner for treating with Chickasaw Indi- ans 41 days, at 8 dollars per day 1820. Pay - - - - - Subsistence - - - - - Extra rations Forage Pay, c. for servants - - - - Rent .of Quarters Fuel Transportation of baggage - - Holding treaty with Choctaw Indians, travelling expenses for self and suite to Doke's stand - - Pay as Commissioner, from 14th Sept. to 21st October, 37 days at 8 dollars per day - - Expenses for Gen. Jackson and suite on their return Pay as Commissioner on return, 21st October to 18th No- vember, 20 days, at 8 dollars per day - - 1821- 5 MroNTHs. Pay to May 31st Subsistence - - Extra rationz: 2400 00 1095 00 1095 00 672 00 680 80 400 00 162 00 581 20 328 00 ;7364 00 2400 00 1098 00 1098 00 67 2 00 672 96 400 00 224 00 166 40 425 03 296 00 351 00 160 00 8109 67 1000 00 153 00 453 00 22 gorat 230 09 Pay, c. for servantts 279 24) Quarters to April 14 115 54 Fuel the same time 74 87 Three nmonths extra pay arnd travefini allowance 776 65 Additional subsistence 735 00 3507 CO6 The wvar terminated in the year 181i. General Jacs-oan then retired Io his farm, and there resided. Wen! ive difposed to excite prejutlices, about the ac- cotmts anf kims charged, how easy -a matter would it be, to speak of the exorbi- tance and injustice of matiy of the t.bove charges I That ibr instance,-of 1,095 Ior extrarations-680 dollars as pay 4re. lor servant3-_OO dollars, for rent of quar- ters, c. Onthe istofJune, 1821, his ofihce aS Florida Comlissioner commenced, for which he receive4 a handsome s;;lary. Yet the above account shews, that he lbad receive(d pay as Major General, not only to tie 31st of May, I 2l, but for three months extra pw 776 dollars 65 cents, and for additional subsistence 753 dollars. BHad he any right to demand and refainm oney for his setvices as Major General, and ibr three months oftlbat time, to be acting as Florida Commissioner The followir.g is his account for his salary and for expenses while Governor of Floridla. WV. Harvey for passage of Gen. Jacisson and family, fromi Nashville to Washington, Alissisippi, - 238 00 P'eabbdy and Chamberlain, for dlo. in Steam-boat Rapid, 170 00 I1. Muniro, do. in sloop Herald, from New Orleans to Blakelv, 270 00 .T. Atistin, ibr transxortation of General Jacksonl's baggage from Blakely to Alontpeficr, 45 00 Do. fir board of Gen. J. hisnfamily and suitc at Blakely, g75 7 i Blue.and Shorne, bill of stores, - - - - - - 244 31 MMawiel Gon'3, subsistence and firage from 16th June, o 11th July, 1821, - 200 00 E. A. Blaneforage at Pensacola, - - - - - 146 42 incidental expenses, - - - 370 15 B. A. Blane,.bill of sundries, say wines, e. c. for the ase of Get). Jackson and his family, - - - 1047 3.9 R. K. Call, bringing horses from Nashville to Blakely, 125 93 Cien. Jatckson'l salary as Governor of tlh3 Floridas from 1st June, 1S21, to 1st January 18212. - - - 2921 19 60-6 14 The incidental expenses, without specitfcation, are 370 dollars 15 cents, and the bill of sundries, say wines, c. c. ibr the use of General Jackson and family, amounted to 1,047 dollars 39 cents. Another account is as follows: " The United States, to John Austin, Di- To expenses of MajorGeneral AndTew Jackson, Commissioner tbr receii ing the Ploridas, from the 29th of April to the 8th of May, 1821, for hoarding him self and family,as per bill rendered, S 277 7513 Thus the Lrnited States bad to pan, for boarding General Jackson and family, upwards of 27 dollars per day. Thiese are but a part of the accounts nhich we might exhiibit. We are not dis posed however, to urge, that matters of account, and more especially, after they have been setletl by the proper officers, should be made to cut any considerable figure in tbeselection of a President. Were those the only grounds of objection to the election of General Jackson, wye should remain well satisfied, howvever the contest may eventuate. But they are less than an atomn, as a component part ot a mountain. His great want of poiitical id'o tination, hiZ inexperience, I baitsisrhole rcou rse through li ietittei'ly dtsqualify bimior th diicihargc of the complicated, a- dutous and i oport;ant Jutiesofchiefmngtzstrate llis r.ash conduct and violent tempers, ftorm in our minds, insuperable objections to him. Remember his unlawful pror- iamation of military law on the 14th of Decemnber, 1814, to operate, not on t'he soldiers onlv,.but up1on the citizens of tie townrof Orleatis, antd the still more wanton eontinuance of it. after the eneiini had departed, e en down to the 40k of March; by wHicl, and the nanner 4i hich he ealorced it, lie Cor the time being, rolnletely destroyed the sove.reignty of Louisiana. Is not his own declaration. i h which he savs, that martial lav, 'hile it existd necessarily suspended all rights and p)rivileges iiuccfnsibtent with its provision ,--an Admission of tlhe tbct. Hle admitted, that for a while lie had prostrated the civil power, becuase he Lpeskis of having I" restured it to its usual functions." This was evidenitly in viola- tion of the constitutioi, which declaresf that the "m military shall be in strict sub. !frdlnatioq to tile civil power." In a partof his conduct while at Orleans, lie usurped na ;authority svhich ever the Congres-of the UDnitt States could-not wastititionally have (xercised. His attewpt to tramrmel the liberty of the press. in his coni(duct towards the efditor of the Louisiana G-azette; his decree of hanishlnient against many oftile. Vrench; his imprisonment of the Diitrict Attorney, arnd of the District Judge, because hie issued a writ of Hal'eas Corptis. in favor ofa.Lman who was by law eu-. itled to it; his imprisonment of another Jildge, wiho attemrpted to interpose a ,egal remnediv in. favor of the other, to procitre his release; nd his treatment of Ar. Lonallier, present him iin an attitede before the American people. which proves that the eeiiis of government connot he safely placed in his tarnds. Ifis approval oftthe sezitcnce under which "time six militia inetli" were execn- trd, as well as that in the case of 3ohn Uooeds, lorm tlhe grounds of streng and 4ccic'ivc objections to him. The case of the first is fully erplainctl in what are termed -the militia docr- wnelhts, wlich you have seen. Tlhee documents have beenrcharged to be sit pious, mutilated, forged, C. Snfar as theypurport to be topies romn those pub, lishetl by -rder of Congress wilh the report of the Military Comnmitte rihek ate literal transcripts. A comparisen of them witl those printed by order of Con- gress will prree the assertion to be correct. T'Ihe pay and muster rolls are on- luminous, aunl cotainii- mere names, coutd throw no light on the sig;ert They would sheiw, that the uea were 1iUbteTed into service and were paid 1f,,- six nionths. But we deny that any person on earth, unless by the ordtr Qf th e President, had any authority toddetain thlem in serwece longetithan threemonths. The power was piaced in the President, and we den.4, tliat he cooli delegate to othersthe right to io itor notat pleasure. But at all events lie nevergave -any such authority-as the certificate of the chief Clerk, C. Nouwse, VrOve \Ve defy time productior. cl any order fromi the President to that effieer. So fa- o01ms it the Secretary o lWar on the 3d of january I "I". 4. directed the Go,7ernm of Tennessee, in relation to Othlc troops fromn tflat 'tate, who at the time thui letter was written containing tie iustructions, inight have been compelled to serve si months, th1at he uni bt consider them as in servce for three monaths, on ly-He savs: "The mil'itla may be considered as having bevn called out un- diel time law of , 95, which lim.Iits th-a .rcrvice to three 11monthst. If these oilier troops then were tohe considtred as in-service for three months ouly, how couid those _whso were vxeculed be forced to setrve six mnolt'fs '1They have been lermelnnad aiain ad again tzesCrters-The records shew, 15-rat finlv Jacob Webb vas tried hrJ tLe Cou' t- Martial for desertion-The other ivJy were not even charged with desertion as one of the alleged crimues. In speakingt the pretensions of General Jackson we caunot forget his tn- iust lmmnlplu aaettzi Upon . portion of thje Kentucky troops, in which lhe chargus 1p'n xvith havin- infiw iously flfed. i'ie repeats thesaute charge ab lIte as April 181 , In lhis letter to thie dlit- 24 era of the Reporter, dated Nashville, Apxil 1Ith, 1817, he says, speaking of the troops on the right bank of the river, in the battle of Orleans, " I wiM now add "that the full view which I had fronk the parapet of my line ot'defence, gave "me full evidence of the inglorious flight of the troops, on the right bank, before 4'the enemy. " And again, in em eayi" of the Kentucky troops, in the same. letter he say-s: "It is impossible to write men into heroes who iy before a weal enemy, 'without the least Wianlt resistance." We do not intend to present a catalogue of the. objections to Gen. Jackson. WiAh a slight explanation of each it would require a large volumc. We will therefore only add a lew renmarks as to his alleged connexion with Aaron Burr. The following is an extract from a letter addressed by Gen. Adair to the pub- lic. In speaking of Gen. Jackson he says: As to the General's very laconic answer to my former remarks on his "'Spanish dish,' I will only observe that this aflair relates only to hitn and "myself alone; and it only shews his willingness to rake from its ashes, an old calumny, of my connexion with Col. 1.rr. Whatever were the inten- "tions of CoL. Burr, I neither organized troops at that time, nor did I superin- "tend the building of boats for him, nor (lid I write confidential letters recoin- "mending him to toy friends; nor did I think it necessary, alter his failure was "universally known, to save inyself by turning informer or State-witness." Doctor lBoyd McNairy of Nashville, has lately published two letters, writ- ten by Gen. Jackson, the originals of which have been preserved, and are al- leged by him, to be in the hand writing of Gen. Jackson. The publication of them was issade at Nashville, August Idt, and the letters have not, as far mas we have noticed, been denied to be genuine. Y'our Fellow Citizensi JAMES CLIRK, RICHARD A. BUCKNERl SBept. 20. 1-2, Copj ofa later (referred to above)fiom General Andrcw Jackson, dated IHERIITACM;, Sept. 25, 1806 Col. Burr is with me, he arrived last night--I would be happy you woluld call and see the Col. before you return-sayftle Gen. 0. that I slhall expect tosee him here on to-morrow with you-Would it not bc well for us to do something as a mark7 f attention to the Cot. He has al- ways and is Mill a true and trusty friend to Teunessee-lfGen. Robertson is with you when you receive this Be good enough to say to him, that Col. Burr is iu the country-I klniv the Gen. R. will be bappy injoining in any tbiqg-that will trnd to show a mark of respct tv this woR- TRY VISITaNT. W.ith due Esteem. ANDREWV JACKSON. Dear Pi iend C ;Cy of anothr totcrfrom the sams. I send you five hundred dollas. It appears to me I said I would send you 1000. But when I came to myself I found there were appropriations made that I knew uothing of. TLis I learnt at the store, and Two Jourueys to perform, and expences to be born that my recollec- tion did not serve mna with at the momeut-.-Tomorrow when yoja come up arrangements shall besmade, aR as to accomodate as far as I cap-My dear sir, do not fail to cone wup tomorrow, at ten o'clvik' I will meet you at my house; I have to see Gen. Smith in the morning at his house-T'he Boats I think you said five i4 number aud some Pork vou would furnish-these smust bc done against the 20th of Decrember next but more of this tolmorrow--you mubt set out in a very few days, I will furnish the needful-The cash now sent is in part lor lhe boat-the ballance ondeliverv-ELiter in bauk bills or a Draft on New Orleanis the 3000 being all the cash that can be flurnished, this must be appropriated to the best possible advantage-aud to the lastshlling will be put in your wpiy if you cau fiutrish the Boats and Pork exmept So much as will meet the engagements already entered into,-I send you twenty 20 bills and ten 1U bilis -which I wish safe to hand, and beg you riot to fail couieing up tomorro; -I wish to start a mwesenstron mondaVj nezt. 3IealtL r I'spect ANDUEWV JACKSON.