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French refugee Trappists in the United States : American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, on February 23, 1886 / by Lawrence Francis Flick. Flick, Lawrence F. (Lawrence Francis), 1856-1938. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images University of Kentucky, Electronic Information Access & Management Center Lexington, Kentucky 2002 b92-179-30418319 Electronic reproduction. 2002. (Beyond the shelf, serving historic Kentuckiana through virtual access (IMLS LG-03-02-0012-02) ; These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. French refugee Trappists in the United States : American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, on February 23, 1886 / by Lawrence Francis Flick. Flick, Lawrence F. (Lawrence Francis), 1856-1938. Press of D.J. Gallagher, Philadelphia : 1886. 33 p. ; 23 cm. Coleman Microfilm. Atlanta, Ga. : SOLINET, 1994. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (SOLINET/ASERL Cooperative Microfilming Project (NEH PS-20317) ; SOL MN04278.06 KUK) Printing Master B92-179. IMLS This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. Trappists United States. Catholic Church United States. B- A,w At4MV okd Nt0' I THE g FRENCH REFUGEE TRAPPISTS 1D IN- THE W 4' 18- g JJNJITEDD STATEDS. READ BEFORE THE flmerican Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, ON FEBRUARY 23, 1886. EA-NA-I-;,'P-NCF-- , -Nc-is Piicl.- '21 I, '21 '21 Ih THE FRENCH REFUGEE TRAPPISTS IN THE U NITED]D STAT- ES. READ BEFORE THE lmerican Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, ON FEBRUARY 23, 1886. BY LAVRENCS FRANCIS FLICK. civ Z. S. N4 NN,3 Nb S3\31\A SIENV-m" Mb This page in the original text is blank. Ft1e jI+ench eTU3ee l4tappists Iq - Ye- - Clqjfc2J - Htats. OVER since the rules of St. Benedict had birth in the piety and wisdom of that great and holy man, they have, in some form or other, drawn men from the world and impregnated their lives with sanctity and wisdom. Time and the perversity of man's inclinations might occasionally relax them, but only to again give them champions, such as St. Ber- nard in 910, St. Robert in I098, and Armand Jean Le Bout- hillier de Rance in I664. The name, Les Trappistes, came about in this way. In I122 a French count, Routrou of Perch, made what he believed to be a miraculous escape from some great danger. Out of gratitude to the blessed Virgin, to whom he ascribed his preservation, he vowed to build a church and to place it under her patronage. He fulfilled his vow by building a church in a solitary valley, surrounded by dense forests and in a spot where a number of streams come together and form the river Yton. This place has from time immemorial been called La Trappe. When therefore the good Count Routrou afterwards brought monks from Savigny, and established a monastery for them near his church, they were given the name Les Trappis/es. It was here, at La Trappe, that the monks, having gradually forgotten the rigor of their rules, were reminded of it by the saintly Abbe de Rance. He had just about fully established his reform when he was called to his reward; but his good work went on until it was disturbed by the French revolution. (3) 4 On February 13th, 1790, all religious orders in France were suppressed by a legislative act of the French government. There was, however, too much of the spirit of St. Benedict, St. Bernard, St. Robert, and an Abbe de Rance at La Trappe, to be dispersed by a mere edict. Dom Augustine, one of the priests of La Trappe, resolved, since he could not keep his vows in his native land, to establish his Order in some other. With twenty-three of his brethren, all volunteers like himself, he formally applied to various governments for an Asylum. He received a favorable answer from the Senate of Friborg, which, on April 12th, I791, granted him permission to establish a home in Switzerland. The twenty-four monks signed a covenant, forming the Abbey of Val Sante de Notre Dame de La Trappe on April 26th, and elected Dom Augustine, Abbot, on May 3d of the same year. The election, however, was not confirmed, nor the Abbey formally established by Rome, until November 27th, I794. By this time so many recruits had flocked in, that several new houses had gone out from Val Sante, and had sought asylums in different parts of Europe. One of the day dreams of Dom Augustine, from his first arrival at Val Sante, had been to send a colony to America. Twice he essayed it, but each time the colony was providentially located elsewhere. In 1793, Dom Jean Baptiste departed for Canada with some companions. When he got to Brabant he was so earnestly implored by the people to remain, that he sought the permission of his Superior, and established a house there. In April, 1794, a large number of recruits were sent to Brabant, with the understanding that a colony was to start from there for Canada. An attempt to carry out the proviso was made in July of the same year, when Jean Baptiste again started for Canada ivith several companions, this time by way of England. A pious Englishman, by name of Thomas Weld, offered him a location on his land at Lulworth, Dorcestershire, and pressed him to accept. Again Dom Jean sought permission to depart from his instructions and located his colony in England. Meanwhile the Order grew so rapidly that Dom Augustine had considerable difficulty in supplying Asylums for the outgrowths. Already flourishing off-shoots from Val Sante, existed in Spain, Italy, Holland and England. But persecution went hand in hand 5 with success; no sooner were colonies established than the far- reaching influence of the revolution again routed them, and new asylums had to be sought. Russia promised a safe retreat, and in 1796, quite a large colony took refuge under its neutrality. It proved a poor asylum, and in i8oo, after the monks of Val Sante had sought shelter in its dominions, on account of outrages committed upon their Abbey, all Trappists were expelled from the country by a Ukase. This revived in Dom Augustine the great desire to establish his Order in America. For nearly two years he confided it to his own bosom, striving meanwhile to find homes for his persecuted brethren. Some were sent to England, some were received by brethren in Germany, and many went back to Val Sante, whither they were invited by the Senate of Friborg in I802. America was not forgotten ; as soon as affairs were somewhat settled, Dom Augustine confided to his brethren his long cherished hope and desire. His enthusiasm fell not on barren soil. Pere Urban Guillet, one of the original covenanters of Val Sante, a man of great piety and zeal, but evidently possessing little worldly wisdom, craved permission to undertake the difficult task. The chief obstacle in the way was the lack of funds; but great as this obstacle might appear to others, it dwindled into insignificance in the presence of Pere Urban's faith and zeal. Having obtained permission, he at once proceeded to select his companions, and to seek the means. He had no difficulty in procuring the former; the latter he got in spite of difficulties. On January i6th, 1803, after about two years' preparation, his colony came together at Amsterdam, preparatory to setting sail. At first, it consisted of five priests, including Pere Urban, six lay-brothers and eight students; but before departure the number was augmented to twenty-two by the arrival of more members of the Order. This number was too small for the zeal of Pere Urban; knowing that " the vineyard of the Lord was large," in America, and the "laborers therein few," he conceived the idea of taking with him a number of young men and educating them for the priesthood. He had no difficulty in securing young men in Amsterdam, as many were seeking an opportunity to get to America; but, unfortunately, he was no student of human nature, and many " tares were gathered in," with a little wheat. When 6 his Superior, Dom Augustine, came to see him and his colony off, he remarked that he did not like the looks of these young men; poor Pere Urban was astonished, but it was not long until he discovered the meaning of his Superior's words. The colony, consisting of forty people, set sail on May 29th, and arrived at Baltimore on September 4th, 1803. The voyage was long and full of hardships, as the provisions ran short, though Pere Urban had laid in a special store for his people, and for two months all persons on board had to subsist on two ounces of bread each a day. At Baltimore they were kindly received by M. Nagot, to whom Pere Urban had a letter of introduction, and were comfortably quartered and well entertained at the Sulpician College. But in spite of the kind reception, Pere Urban's first day in America was a sad one. Two of his Amsterdam proteges, and one of his own flock, who had been tainted on the way over, took advantage of the confusion in going from the ship to the College, and deserted. Pere Urban now understood the unfavor- able comments of his Superior. The faculty of the Sulpician College strove to make their visitors welcome, and even offered them a permanent home in the College. Rev. Father Moranvillers, a parish priest of Baltimore, supplemented these good offices by raising money for them among his parishoners; but Pere Urban, fearing that he and his brethren might be in the way and prove a burden, expressed a desire to depart. Accordingly, after a stay of some weeks at the College. he, by the advice of the Sulpicians, started with his colony for Pigeon Hills, Adams Co., Pennsylvania. Of the trip there is no record, but it was likely made on foot, and over bad roads. The distance is fifty miles, to travel which, it must have taken them three or four days. The Sulpicians and Father Moranvillers, sent wagon loads of food along, and probably also some furniture. There is considerable difference of opinion in regard to the time of arrival of the Trappists at Pigeon Hills. Father Lamden says they first went to Cambria Co., Pennsylvania, and from there to Pigeon Hills. In this, he is undoubtedly mistaken. Arch- bishop Spalding, both in his "Catholic Missions of Kentucky," and in his " Sketches of life, times and character of Bishop Flaget," gives August 15th, 1804, as the time. Rev. Father 7 Maes, probably copying from Archbishop Spalding, gives the same date. Gaillardin, who is the best authority to follow, as he wrote carefully and deliberately, and was probably acquainted with some of the monks, who belonged to the colony, and afterwards returned to Europe, and likewise had at his command the memoirs written by Fathers Maria Joseph and Vincent de Paul, says they stopped with the Sulpicians at the College some weeks, and then went to Pigeon Hills. His reference to their gathering wild fruits and nuts for food upon their arrival, is evidence that they went there in autumn. Probably the correct time therefore is October, I803. Pigeon Hills t is the name given to a tract of land in the eastern portion of Adams Co., Pennsylvania, near the foot of Pigeon Hills, in Oxford Township. It is about ten miles from Gettysburg and about four or five from Conewago. Another name given to it, and probably a more familiar one, is the Seminary farm. This sobriquet it earned by its having been, at various times, the location of the Seminary School. Even as far back as I794, some young men got their preliminary education there. The farm is quite large and originally consisted of two tracts, one granted to Henry Gearnhardt, on July 26th, I750, by the Pro- prietaries of Pennsylvania, and the other to Robert Lorimore, on September i9th, of the same year. On September i9th, 1758, Lorimore purchased Mr. Gearnhardt's tract, and on April 4th, 1794, he sold the two tracts to a reputed monk by name of Joseph Heront, for iooo pounds. Mr. Heront opened a school on his farm, but was probably not very successful, for after a few years he took his departure for France, leaving his property to the Superior of the Sulpician College at Baltimore. At least one of his pupils, a Mr. Myers, afterwards became a Catholic Priest. The Trappists, according to Gaillardin, found a comfortable and commodious house awaiting them at Pigeon Hills. As it was Fall, and a Winter and Spring would have to ensue before they In preparing this paper, I have taken much of my information from Gaillardin's work, entitled " Le Trappistes," published in Paris. t Mlost of my information about Pigeon Hills I have taken from John G. Reilly's History of Catholicity in Adams County. 8 could reap the fruits of their labor on the farm, they had for the time being to depend for the necessaries of life upon the Sulpi- cians and Father Moranvillers, who kept sending corn, flour and dried fruits from Baltimore. To economize the charity of their friends, they gathered wild fruits and nuts from the adjacent woods, and tried in a certain measure to subsist on them. They prepared some ground, and in the Spring planted an acre of corn, three little patches of potatoes, and a garden. The students gave great trouble; they would not work on the plea that they had to study, and likewise would not study. On them Gaillardine lays the blame for the failure of the settle- ment at Pigeon Hills. They were not only non-producers, but consumed everything they could lay their hands on. The poor monks could do nothing with them ; they would not expel them because they had brought them to a strange country and felt in conscience bound to support them. Of the daily routine life of either the students or the monks, Gaillardin makes no mention. Much, however, can be supplied by the imagination. His reference to the complete insubordination of the students during the absence of Pere Urban; their feasting upon meats and vegetables; their sports and games; and the patient submissiveness of the monks; gives us glimpses which we can use as corner-stones, so to speak, whereon to build fuller descriptions. Students are proverbial for their jolly times. Place them where you will, they will try to enjoy themselves. Situated as were the searchers after lore at Pigeon Hills, they no doubt held high carnival. Short study hours and long sleeping hours, few prayers and many meals, hunting, fishing, games and gymnastics, is the programme that naturally suggests itself to one's mind in trying to picture their probable daily life. The monks of course followed their rules, and therefore lived as all other Trappist monks live. They observed perpetual silence except when it was necessary to speak with the Superior. They arose at half-past two in the morning, Father Nerinx says at one, and retired at seven in the evening during Winter, and at eight during Summer. They took two meals a day between I give here the Trappists' rules as observed at Val Sante. 9 Easter and the middle of Scptember, and one meal a day during the remainder of the year. When two meals a day were allowed, one was taken at twelve o'clock, noon, and the other in the even- ing. When only one meal a day was permitted, it was taken about three o'clock in the afternoon. The usual quantity of bread given each monk was one pound a day; but at the discre- tion of the Superior, an additional ration might be granted of a kind of bread made of three parts of potatoes and twelve parts of bran, called the bread of indulgence. In Summer, when hard manual labor had to be performed, fresh vegetables were added to the diet. Water was the only drink permissible to the healthy. A beverage made of wild or dried fruits, barley or juniper berries, was at the option of the sick. They worked from half-past five to half-past eight in the morning, and from a little before two to half-past four in the afternoon, during the Summer; and from nine to half-past eleven in the morning, and from twelve to two in the afternoon, during Winter. During Lent they began work at half- past nine. The intervals between the working hours were de- voted to chanting the office, meditation, and probably to teaching. They dressed in a white habit, a garment in shape something like a Roman toga, and wore a cowl, which, when occasion required, was used as a covering for the head. They slept in apartments in common; the priests in one, and the lay-brothers in another, and when they could afford it, had each a straw mattress, a bolster, and a sheet to lie upon and a blanket to cover themselves with. This is a synopsis of the ordinary life of a Trappist, and if we substract a little from the privileges and add a little to the depri- vations related therein, we will likely get a proximate idea of the every-day life of the Trappists at Pigeon Hills. An anecdote related by Gaillardin illustrates their poverty and self-denial: A priest from Conewago, seeing the steward distribute bread for supper, expressed surprise at the smallness of the portions. " Sir !" said the steward to him, " this bread is very good and most nourishing; it is not hecessary to give so much of it." " My Rev. Father," responded the priest, " you will change your mind about that; it is not here like in Europe; weights and measures are not known here." As far as we know, the principal events that broke in upon the IO austere sameness of the monks during their stay at Pigeon Hills, were the to and fro journeyings of Pere Urban to Baltimore, his preliminary trip to Kentucky, and according to Father Nerinx, the occasional trip of the Monastery wagon to Baltimore and return. Pere Urban must have spent much of his time on the road and in Baltimore. He there met many of the missionary priests of the country, and there probably first heard of Kentucky. The description he got of that country placed it uppermost in his mind, and he became enthused in the idea of removing his colony thither. He, however, first visited it, taking with him Brother Placide and a native of the country as interpreter. The lovely appearance of Kentucky in Spring-time, and the persuasive appeals of Father Badin, who wanted more priests in his field of labor, joined hands with the zeal of Pere Urban in blinding him to the great obstacles in the way of removing a community so great a distance, over bad roads and through thinly settled districts, and to the drawbacks which the contemplated new home itself presented. He was not long in making up his mind to locate in Kentucky, and at once returned for his colony, leaving Brother Placide behind to make some desirable preparations. In the absence of any reference to sickness or death in the colony by any of the writers on the subject, we may conclude that its members enjoyed good health while at Pigeon Hills. This, unfortunately, cannot be said of them in locations sub- sequently chosen by Pere Urban. In the face of this fact, and in the light of our knowledge of the failure of all his later settle- ments, we may safely say that he had better remained at Pigeon Hills. One of his principal reasons for leaving was the inability of the community to support itself there. This, however, cannot be charged to the place, but must go to the debit side of Pere Urban's qualifications as a leader. There was plenty of good land to farm, and there were enough men in the conwmunity to till it; all that was wanting was a practical head. Besides the Sulpicians and Father Moranvillers seem to have been willing to help the Institution along until it was able to take care of itself. The colony, when it came to Pigeon Hills, probably consisted of twenty-one monks and sixteen lay-people. Gaillardin says that twenty-two members of the order, priests and lay-brothers, and eighteen lay-men, students and workmen, came over from I I France. One lay-brother and two lay-men deserted upon their arrival at Baltimore. It is not likely that the order got any recruits during the short stay at the Sulpician College, though it is on record that at least one of the students felt a call to join it. In his life of Bishop Flaget, of Kentucky, Rt. Rev. M. J. Spalding states that the then young candidate for Holy Orders looked upon the arrival of the Trappists in Baltimore as a stroke of Providence in his behalf, and applied to Rev. Urban Guillet for admission into the Order but for some reason or other did not avail himself of the favorable answer received. While at Pigeon Hills the membership of the community was considerably increased. Gaillardin says that the ranks of the renegades, who were fright- ened away at the prospects of a trip west, were more than filled by new-comers, Who these novices were would now be interest- ing to know; the only individual spoken of by Gaillardin in this connection is an old planter from San Domingo, who having lost his reason, was taken in by Pere Urban, and by the kind treat- ment of the monks and the novel, quiet life, was restored to health. Father Nerinx, in one of his letters, speaks of meeting, in the migration west, as a member of the order, Father Charles Guny, a former Benedictine, and his traveling companion across the ocean. Yet these are but two. In the same letter, Father Nerinx, referring to the departure of the colony from Pigeon Hills and their trip through Pennsylvania, says " the caravan con- sisted of thirty-seven persons, seven or eight of whom were priests." If his figures are correct the recruits just about filled the ranks of the disaffected. How long the Trappists remained at Pigeon Hills, is a mooted question. Rev. Father Mlaes and Hon. Benj. J. XVebb, say one year. Gaillardin gives July, 1805, as the time of departure from Pigeon Hills; and Rev. M\. J. Spalding, the Fall of 18o5 as the time of arrival in Kentucky. Rev. Father Nerinx, who accompanied them through Pennsyl- vania, in a letter dated May 6th, i8o6, gives the date of departure as June ioth, I805, and as he writes from personal knowledge, and at so short an interval after the event, he must be accepted as the most creditable witness. Accepting then, as the most My quotations from Father Nerinx'siletters are taken from Rev. Afaes' Life of Father Nerinx. 12 likely time of arrival, that given by Gaillardin ; and as the most probable time of departure, that given by Father Nerinx; the stay of the Trappists at Pigeon Hills was from October, I803, to June ioth, I805, or about twenty-one months. The casual visitor to Pigeon Hills at the present day would recognize in it nothing to apprise him of the part it played in the early Catholic history of the United States. The pious zeal of Heront, the plaintive midnight chant of the monks, the carnivals of the Dutch students in the Trappists' time, and later the youth- ful hilarity of the seminarians, never crystallized into monuments; and so the place must depend upon history for any distinction it may claim. And yet what prayers have gone up to heaven from there; what penances practised ; what inspirations received; what good resolutions formed! And in antithesis how boldly stands out the ingratitude of those heartless adventurers, if Gaillardin tells truly, who shamelessly feasted while the monks were suffering want. I cannot help but feel, however, that the poor students are made scapegoats in a certain measure, for the incompetency of Pere Urban. No doubt they did many things which would not be tolerated in a well-conducted school; but then there were many mitigating circumstances. Some of them likely left home with no higher motive than a love of adventure; they were all cut off from the influence of friends and relatives; they were away from civilization, so to speak; and they had nothing to occupy their minds but their books and sports. Their young healthy bodies no doubt made frequent demands for food through craving appetites. Their buoyant spirits must have often over- flown in games and tricks. Need we wonder at cause for com- plaint ! What student could withstand the temptation of truancy for example under similar circumstances With an empty larder at home; with fishing creeks and game forests that a king might envy close by; and with poor, half-starved monks for disciplina- rians, what youth would not flee from the dingy, pent-up, lore- smelling study hall, to the free exhilarating woods as an amateur Nimrod or a practical admirer of Isaak Walton. At least all were not recalcitrant. Many of them afterwards braved the dangers and trials of a trip to Kentucky, Missouri, and Illinois, and there continued their studies under the most adverse circumstances. Such perseverance bespeaks a better spirit than 13 deflects from the contrast between austere monks and fun-loving students. Father Urban's order, upon his return from Kentucky, to at once break up camp and start for the West, was received with monastic submissiveness by the' monks, and with commingled approval and disapproval by the rest of the colony. Some of the students sneaked off, leaving letters of explanation behind. Others demanded recommendations to persons in Baltimore, and then openly took their departure. The hired workmen blankly refused to go West. Under these discouraging circumstances, says Gaillardin, some of Pere Urban's charitable deeds "returned- to him as bread cast upon the waters." It was necessary to have a wagon built, and as the mechanics apparently had already left, there was no one to build it. Pere Urban's protege, the San Domingo Planter, came to his relief. Unaided he constructed a large wagon. This story, however, does not fit in with Father Nerinx's reference to the Monastery wagons, making trips to Baltimore and return, nor with his statement that on account of the slow progress of the four wagons through Pennsylvania; he parted company with the Trappists. It may be that the Monastery wagon referred to by Father Nerinx was really owned by Sulpicians, or by Father Moranvillers, or the Trappists may have had three wagons, and required a fourth to convey all that they desired to take with them. The route they traveled through Pennsylvania was the old state or Turnpike road by way of Gettysburg, Chambersburg, McConnellstown, Bedford, Somerset, Union and Brownsville. At Brownsville they sold their horses and wagon or wagons and bought two flat-boats, for which they paid 12.00. On these they placed themselves and goods, and floated down the river to Pittsburg. That this is the route they took can scarcely be doubted. Gaillardin simply tells us that they went on foot, until they got to the Monongahela River, where they took flat-boats; but Father Nerinx says he left them at Bedford, where he bought a horse and saddle for 75.oo and started ahead by himself. Now, as the state road passed through Bedford, and as there was only one through road in Southern Pennsylvania at that time, there can be no doubt about the road they traveled. Brownsville was in those days a kind of port, at which most travelers west I4 changed their mode of travel from that by land to water. Hence, we may conclude, that it was there the Trappists bought their flat-boats. Probably about two weeks were required to go from Pigeon Hills to Brownsville. Stretches of twenty miles were made between camping places. When regular stopping places could be reached, if even by an extra effort, they put up at an inn; but generally they had to content themselves with such comfort as a barn afforded, or as mother earth gives her children, under Heaven's diamond studded canopy. In addition to their usual diet they were allowed butter according to Father Nerinx ; and butter, milk and cheese, according to Gaillardin, the latter being the specified traveling diet. Somewhere between McConnellstown and Bedford their wagon broke down, and they were detained a day or two. It was then that Father Nerinx became impatient, and after having waited for them at Bedford a day and a half, started ahead by himself While traveling, silence was observed as far as conversation was concerned, although all had the privilege of talking with Father Nerinx. The office was, however, daily chanted and prayers were said aloud. What a ripple of wonder and excitement must have passed over the adjacent country, as this procession of white-robed monks, chanting and praying, leisurely moved along the highway. The Monongahela, to the great disappointment of Father Urban, did not even furnish as easy or as rapid a means of transit, as had the turnpike. Instead of making twenty miles a day, they now with difficulty covered fifteen. As the water was quite shallow in places the boats frequently stuck fast on sand-banks, and all hands had to jump out and help push them off. In this way they finally arrived at Pittsburg, where, owing to the neces- sity of making considerable change in their river out-fit, they remained for some days. The principal cause of detention was the unloading and reload- ing of their goods, as it was necessary to replace their small boats by larger ones. This exchange so drained the treasury that Pere Urban was afraid to venture the further expense of hiring a pilot and some rowers, as apparently was the custom in traveling on the Ohio, and with his monks, undertook the voyage, not- withstanding their inexperience. He, however, took the pre- I5 caution of informing himself about the Ohio river by interviews with some Pittsburgians, and as a reference for emergencies purchased a popular almanac in which its author claimed to explicitly lay down all the necessary instructions for navigating the Ohio. Unfortunately, what sounded nice in theory did not work well in practice. Fallen trees obstructed their way, sand- banks and whirlpools were encountered, and sometimes the swiftness of the current would hurl them against the bank or an island. On one occasion, one of the boats sprang a leak and rapidly began to fill. All on board became terror-stricken, and cried for help. Their brothers on the other boat, being too far away to bring them timely assistance, called to them to pull for the bank, which they fortunately succeeded in doing. Landed, they unloaded by the light of a candle, for it was now night, and temporarily plugged up the holes. On the following day the boat was thoroughly repaired and the amateur scullers again en- trusted it with their lives. For six weeks the poorly fed monks and students rowed and floated down the Ohio, apparently running the gauntlet of death safely at every turn ; and yet gradually and surely falling into his clutches by constantly inhaling the poisonous effluvia arising from the swamps along the banks of the river. When they finally arrived at Louisville in the early part of September, 1805, all hands were sick, and some unto death. A most cordial reception awaited them. People from all over the country flocked to the landing place with their wagons anxious to render aid. Those who arrived first, loaded up the baggage, and hauled it to its destination. Later corners finding no more baggage, contended with each other for the privilege of conveying the monks. Soon baggage, monks and all were safely landed at a farm house on Pottinger Creek, in the northern part of Nelson Co., about thirty miles south of Louisville, about ten north of Bardstown, and about a mile from Holy Cross Church, where Father Baden then had his headquarters. The property belonged to a pious lady, who offered the use of it to the Trap- pists, as long as they might wish to remain, reserving for her own use only, the product of every fourth or fifth fruit tree. Gaillardin describes the house as a frame building, ornamented by a portico, and says there were several log houses, close by which could be i6 used as work-houses. Once at the house, the ovation began. Every farmer had come with his offering, bringing flour, Indian corn, vegetables, potatoes and even poultry. Everything was in abundance. The trees in the orchard adjoining the house, were laden with fruit, and brother Placide's garden was in a most flourishing condition. All were made comfortable and poverty for once, had to make a bed-fellow of plenty. But comfort and abundance could not stay the ravages of disease, nor shut out the grim visage of death. Of the entire community, but two could present themselves in choir, a religious and a postulant, and one of these, the religious had hemorrhages from the lungs. Father Baden took two of the priests, who were most dangerously ill, namely, Fathers Dominic and Basile, to his own house, and lavished the greatest care on them. They however, both soon died. At the farm house all recovered, except Father Robert, whose demise followed closely upon that of his brothers. Poor Father Urban, himself sick, was almost heart-broken at the loss of his priests. When the news of the first death was brought to him, he tried to bear up under the affliction, but when two days later, he heard of Father Basile's death, he turned his face to the wall, and gave vent to his grief in tears. Gaillardin ascribes the dreadful visitation to imprudence, in eating all kinds of fruits after long exposure, and want, on one hand, and on the other, to the too sudden change from the hardships and fatigue of travel to the ordinary austere life of a Trappist. He especially exonerates the climate. Father Nerinx in his common sense way of looking at things comes near the truth. He says, had he come down the Ohio, as the Trappists did, he would likely have been sick with the same fever. The clouds that hung over the colony at Pottinger's Creek, after its arrival, were soon dispersed. On the ioth of October, i805, re-inforcements arrived in the per- sons of Father Maria Joseph, four other religious, and a priest from Canada, who came to take the habit. Sorrow at once gave place to joy, and discouragement to confidence. A school was opened, and many young men of the country availed themselves of the opportunity, to get an education, even though they could spare, but a few hours a day from their work. Over twenty children says Father Nerinx, were adopted, and the monks bound them- 17 selves to educate them and sustain them, until they were twenty- one years of age, without recompense. With mental training was combined mechanical; every boy having to learn a trade, and at the end of the term, the boys were to have the choice of going out into the world, or becoming postulants. The only obstacle in the way of the success of the school, was the inability of the monks to speak English. Yet teachers and scholars struggled along with admirable forbearance. As yet, Father Urban had not chosen a permanent location. Plenty of land had been offered, but it seems none suited. Toward the latter part of i8o6, he heard of a fine tract of land for sale, on Casey Creek, in Casey County. He purchased it, and sent a colony to take charge of it under the leadership of Father Maria Joseph. Father Nerinx says the tract contained 1500 acres of land, and cost 6ooo. He describes it as a fine piece of land, well situated, and well watered by streams, and locates it 34 miles from Father Baden's Plantation. The colony, consisting of thirteen members, three of whom were Belgians, one a Rev. Mr. Doncke, and another Mr. Henry Rysselman, who later be- came a Jesuit brother, left Pottinger Creek, just before Christmas. The weather was extremely cold, and the trip to the new home difficult, on account of the wildness of the country through which they had to pass. When they lit their camp-fires at night, says Gaillardin, all kinds of wild beasts prowled around attracted by the light and warmth. The hardships did not end with the trip itself. There was little, if any clear land on the tract, and it is questionable, whether there was even a house upon it. When Father Nerinx visited the place, in i807, he found fourteen monks "lodged in a double-frame cabin about as large as a ten-horse stable," to use his own words, and which was not even water- proof. Whether or not they built it themselves he does not say. As the warmth of Spring thawed out the ground, and they began to dig up the land which they had cleared during the Winter, snakes of all kinds, but particularly rattle-snakes, appeared in great numbers. In two days- says Gaillardin, they killed more than 800. Wolves, too, kept prowling about. Yet in spite of all obstacles, the new settlement prospered under the spirited leadership of Father Maria Joseph, who brought to his monastic life the endurance and resoluteness to which he had been inured x8 as a grenadier in the French army. At the time of Father Nerinx's visit, the monks were already engaged in building a saw-mill. Their comforts, if one can speak of the comforts of a Trappist, it is true, were as yet very few. Father Nerinx says " the dormitory, refectory and church," were all in one, and the only other rooms in the house were an apartment for the lay- brothers and a small place for storing provisions. The members of the community all slept on the bare floor. Father Nerinx and his guide were given the storage room and Father Nerinx had a bag of oats to sleep upon. In a short time, however, great improvements were made, and Casey Creek was so transformed, according to Gaillardin, as to merit the appellation of the place of rest. A chapel was built and a small congregation gathered together from the thinly settled country around, and the name of St. Bernard given to the parish thus formed. Only seven or eight Catholic families lived in close enough proximity to attend mass there, and they had formerly gone to St. Mary's, in Marion County. Some of the Protestant families, however, who lived close by and who had probably no church of their own, attended services in the chapel. In this way there was generally a good attendance at mass both on Sundays and Feast days. In i807, at the time of Father Nerinx's visit, the community at Casey Creek had received two novices, one an Irishman and the other an American, and one member had likely gone back to Pottinger Creek, for Father Nerinx says they then numbered fourteen people at Casey Creek. How long Father Maria Joseph and his colony remained at Casey Creek is not positively known, as Father Nerinx does not refer to the place after i807; and Gaillardin says nothing about the abandonment although he leads us to infer that it was not before i809. Inasmuch as Pere Urban consulted Father Maria Joseph about moving to Louisiana, we may conclude that both settlements were kept up until the departure from Kentucky. Indirect evidence of the same fact is the frequent allusions which Mr. Henry Rysselman is said to have made in after life to his residence at Casey Creek, as a Trappist, until i8o9. In regard to the mother colony at Pottinger there is little more to be said, and nothing, from a wordly point of view, that would add lustre to the name Les Trappistes. Judging from the tone of '9 Father Nerinx's letters to Bishop Carroll, its history can be read in the words want, patient suffering and failure. Father Urban had not yet learned wisdom nor forsaken his Bohemian ways. He was ever looking out for a good location and never making use of present opportunities. Whether or not he ever owned land at Pottinger Creek I have not discovered, but probably he did not. The farm on which the colony was located was at their command as long as they wished to remain, and Gaillardin positively states that they did not own it. The graves of five priests and three lay-brothers in the church- yard adjoining Holy Cross Church are a sad commentary on the four years' sojourn of the Trappists in Kentucky. Who the two additional priests, and the three lay-brothers were, and when they died, is not stated. A reference to the records of Holy Cross Church, or to the tombstones, if there were any, might reveal the names and dates. The school was likely the redeem- ing feature of the settlement at Pottinger; for the influence, which its light exerted upon the future generations of Kentucky, is acknowledged by Hon. Benjamin J. Webb, in his "Century of Catholicity in Kentucky." It, however, had the great difficulty to contend with, of a difference of languages between teacher and pupil. The monks did not learn English readily, and even after many years' residence in the country spoke it with great difficulty. To overcome this obstacle in the way of the usefulness of the Order, was the Gordian knot, which constantly challenged Pere Urban's ingenuity. Need we wonder, then, that while on a busi- ness trip to Baltimore, in i8o8, he was persuaded, by the eloquent tongue of a son of Erin named Mulhamphy, to again change his base of operations and migrate to Louisiana, where his own language was spoken, and he would receive encouragement and protection from the government. Mulhamphy offered him a house in Louisiana as a gift, if it suited the purposes of the Trappists, and if not, at least as a temporary home. Pere Urban triumphantly returned to Kentucky; laid the matter before his community; took counsel with Father Maria Joseph and with him started on a visit to Louisiana in November, i8o8. It must be remembered that at the time referred to here, Louisiana took in nearly all that portion of country west of the Mississippi. 20 We can readily imagine what a trip through the west implied at that time, especially if taken in Winter. Yet Fathers Urban and Maria Joseph arrived at Louisville before Christmas. Both were delighted with the prospects in Louisiana. According to Gaillardin, an old Parisian named Jarrot, who had formerly been. a steward with the Sulpicians in Baltimore, and who now lived at Cahokia, a small town in Illinois, about five miles south-east of St. Louis, offered Pere Urban a large prairie enclosed by a dense forest, and situated about six miles from St. Louis. It was then called the cantine, and contained excellent land but was most unhealthy. The Jesuit Fathers had occupied it at one time and had a church there, but had to give it up on account of the fatality of the climate. In olden times it had been an Indian burial ground, and it was dotted over with seven or eight pyramids built of earth and measuring about i6o feet in circum- ference, and ioo feet in height. At present the place is called Monks' Mound. Father Urban accepted M. Jarrot's offer, and having completed his business affairs in St. Louis, prepared for his return trip to Kentucky. Meanwhile Father Maria Joseph had already initiated himself in missionary work for which he saw a good field in St. Louis, and for which he had a special taste. He arrived in St. Louis on the vigil of Christmas and announced at once that he would celebrate midnight mass. The happy tidings spread rapidly, and Father Maria Joseph, when the hour for celebration arrived, found himself in the midst of quite a large congregation. The unfortunate people were overjoyed at the sight of a priest as they had been left without one for some time on account of the wickedness of many among them who had mobbed and driven out the Jesuit fathers. Gaillardin tells a story illustrative of the perversity of the people of St. Louis at that time. He says a man sold his wife for a bottle of whisky; the purchaser sold her for a horse; and in a short time she was again sold for a pair of oxen. Yet Father Maria Joseph was kindly received. He was implored to remain and was asked to take the last sacraments to the sick. Crowds of people accompanied the Holy Viaticum with pious reverence. Gaillardin says that some of the Jesuit Fathers were murdered and others tied to logs and floated down the Mississippi. 21 As Father Maria Joseph had, however, come on a visit only, he could not remain. He promised to return soon, and departed to join Father Urban. They started on the return trip in January, I 809. If the journey out had been difficult, that going back was much more so. Winter had now fully set in, deep snows had fallen, roads were drifted shut, and in many places bridges had been swept away, and the ice was not strong enough to carry. In these emergencies Father Maria Joseph resorted to a trick, which he had learned from the natives, namely felling a tree across the stream and using it for a bridge. But as his traveling companion was somewhat stiffened by diseases, he invariably had to carry all the baggage and provisions over first, and then return to help him across. Sometimes streams had to be crossed again and again, at others freshets had suddenly so swollen creeks as to make them impassible, and the travelers had to go around them. Finally after much patient suffering and toil, they arrived at Pottinger Creek. The mandate at once was given to prepare for the journey to Louisiana. It being deemed more convenient to travel by water than by land, the first thing requisite was boats; and as Pere Urban did not wish to undergo the expense of hiring professional boat-builders, he set to work all the brothers, who had any practical knowledge of carpentry. Among them was Brother Palemon, an Irishman and an ex-colonel, probably the Irishman of whom Father Nerinx speaks as having joined the Order at Casey Creek. About nine miles from the monastery was Salt River, which flows into the Ohio. Though a small stredm, it sometimes suddenly swells into an immense river, and as suddenly collapses. The Trappists decided to build their boats on its banks, hoping to be ready with the rise which was then expected, and to float down to the Ohio, on its borrowed impulse. In order to push the work as rapidly as possible, a temporary cabin was put up, and the workmen camped at the place, returning to the monastery only on Sunday. The task was soon completed and the flood came. Farmers flocked around to see them embark, and many accompanied them as far as the Ohio. According to Archbishop Spalding, Father Urban did not 22 accompany the colony down the Ohio, but crossed the Country to St. Louis, hoping to arrive there in time to send Canadian voyageurs down the river to meet his brethren at the junction and row the boats up the Mississippi. When the monks arrived at Cairo, they looked in vain for the boatmen, and hence had to debark and wait. They camped on the Illinois side of the river, says Spalding, and built a temporary cabin which they occupied for three weeks. Gaillardin says they waited eight days, and erected an altar under a large tree on which mass was daily celebrated and before which the office was chanted. He dwells at some length upon the presence of the astonished Indians in their savage costume and with their war paint on. Tired waiting and fearing that the promised aid might not arrive, the monks at last, says Archbishop Spalding, pre- pared to ascend the river by themselves. They fixed masts on their boats and rigged them out with sail; as they were ready to start the boatmen appeared. To the practised eye of the voyageurs it was at once apparent that the improvised sailing vessels could not ascend the Mississippi. The masts and sails had therefore to be taken down. Even rowing was impracticable, and the boats had to be towed by ropes. In this tedious manner they finally reached St. Louis one month after leaving the junction. At St. Louis Father Maria Joseph and the colony parted company, the former at once assuming his missionary duties, and the latter proceeding to the location, which Pere Urban had chosen for them. According to Gaillardin this was Monks' Mound, which has already been described, and according to Archbishop Spalding, it was a farm near Florissant in the northern part of St. Louis County, Missouri. Spalding says the monks continued their slow progress up the Mississippi River to its junction with the Missouri, and then up the Missouri to Florissant, where they landed. At the entrance of the Missouri into the Mississippi the current was very strong, and the ropes broke. None but the disabled were in the boats at the time, and the monks on shore had to helplessly look on while their sick brethren were rapidly carried down the river. After twenty-four hours, however, the boats were checked in their wild progress, and the difficult ascent again begun. At last, they debarked and proceeded to the farm. Here they remained until i8io, when 23 they removed to Monks' Mound. It is strange that Gaillardin says nothing about this settlement. Archbishop Spalding got his information from an old gentleman, who had lived with the Trappists for many years, and who therefore ought to be a good witness. Yet as he depended on memory for the reminiscence he gave, he must not be too readily accepted. Besides he may have confounded the missionary work of Father Maria Joseph, and possibly some of his brethren at Florissant, with a location of the entire colony. Father Maria Joseph's memoirs might throw some light on the subject. At Monks' Mound, the Trappists tried hard to make a per- manent establishment. They built seventeen little cabins, one for a church, one for a chapel, one for a refectory, and one indeed for every purpose that might suggest itself. These buildings were probably of logs and very primitive in their construction. Gaillardin says the place looked like an army's camp, from which we may infer that the cabins were very small. The history of this settlement is the same as that at Pigeon Hills, Pottinger and Casey Creek, only more gloomy in proportion as it was farther removed from civilization, and as the poor monks were more worn out by disease and hardships. Though the community remained there three or four years, nothing is positively known of their doings, except that they strictly observed their rules. Gaillardin, who is usually prolix in his descriptions, dismisses the subject with the statement in one place, that they went there and built a number of cabins, and in another that the settlement was a failure. Archbishop Spalding, too, has scarcely anything to say about the place. He tells us that they were there until March, i813, and that during their stay two priests and five lay- brothers were consigned to their final resting place. Had Father Nerinx been near, we would know much more. It was the ambition of Pere Urban to carry the Gospel to the Indians; but in this, as in all other undertakings in America, he failed. Had he been able to maintain his institution at Monks' Mound, he might finally have accomplished what he desired, for the Indians were his next door neighbors, and were quite friendly with the monks. It was, however, impossible for the community to support itself, and besides, its members were rapidly dying off. When the colony broke up in the Spring of i813, there were likely not 24 more than nine or ten members left. How many had come from Kentucky, and whether any members had entered the Order at Monks' Mound is not known. We are equally in the dark about what became of the boys, whom the monks had pledged them- selves to educate at Pottinger. Likely they remained with their parents and friends in Kentucky. The command to break up camp at Monks' Mound came from Dom Augustine, the Superior of the entire Order, who had arrived in New York in the begin- ning of I813, and who had been informed of the condition of Father Urban's colony. Gaillardin says that Dom Augustine directed Father Urban to join Father Vincent de Paul's colony in Mary- land. He tells us nothing about the departure from Illinois, nor about the trip East, and indeed does not again mention Father Urban's name, until he speaks of the final departure of the Trappists from the United States. Archbishop Spalding enters into some details about the colony's exit from Illinois, its trip down the Mississippi and up the Ohio, but consigns it to oblivion at Pittsburg. He tells us that the property at Monks' Mound was disposed of, that some of the lay-brothers remained in the West, that Pere Urban and his brethren descended the Mississippi in a keel-boat, and that in ascending the Ohio, they encountered a great flood and almost fell into the hands of pirates. The information, however, that we would most like to have, namely, how many monks went East, who they were, and whither they went from Pittsburg, he fails to give us. Father Vincent de Paul, in his memoirs, states that Pere Urban and his brethren joined his colony in Maryland, shortly before its departure for New York, which was sometime in the early part of 1814. A tradition among the people of the northern part of Cambria County, Pennsylvania, would lead us to believe that Pere Urban and his comrades did not go directly to Maryland, but made one final effort to locate in Rev. Dr. Gallitzen's district. That the Trappists had a settlement in Cambria County cannot be doubted, as a number of men who saw them there give testimony of the fact. There is, however, no known record of the matter. Father Lamden's statement, that Pere Urban's colony was in Cambria County, before it located at Pigeon Hills is undoubtedly erroneous. Possibly Dr. Gallitzen's letters may throw some light on the subject at some future time. For the present we must be satisfied with tradition and speculation. 25 Some years ago two very old gentlemen of Cambria County gave me their reminiscences about the Trappists in Northern Cambria. Although many of their statements are contradictory, some noteworthy information is scattered through them, Mr. Bernard Byrnes, one of the old gentlemen, said that the Trappists came to Northern Cambria, in i8 i I and left in March, i8I3, and that they came from Lore/to to their location, near the present site of Carrolltown; that they were four or five in number, one of whom was a priest, and that they spoke German; that the brothers were low, heavy-set, awkward men, the priest tall, rather heavy and likewise awkward, and that all were of a dark complexion; that they ate but two meals a day, partook of neither meat nor butter, but subsisted on a paste made of flour and water, and on boiled potatoes and turnips; that his father and others gave them oats wherewith to feed a cow, which they had brought with them; that they located in the woods, on a small spot of clear land, about the size of a large potato patch, and that they planted some potatoes around the house; that the men in the neighborhood were allowed to hear mass in their chapel, but not the women, and that he himself frequently heard mass in their house; that the altar in their chapel was very plain, and made of boards; that the priest often traveled backward and forward between the settlement and Loretto, and frequently stopped with his father over night. Mr. Luke McGuire, the other old gentleman, stated that the Trappists came to their location in Cambria County in x814, and remained there a few years; that they were five in number; that they could not speak English, but spoke French; that they lived in a wooden house, to help build which, Dr. Gallitzen had sent members of his parish; that they were accessory to their own deaths, as they exposed themselves to cold and wet; that they started back to France, and that he hauled some of their baggage and one sick brother as far as Bedford, where he left them with a Frenchman; that he had a letter from Dr. Gallitzen to Father Hayden at Bedford; that when they got'to Bedford, they found the town full of soldiers on their way to Erie; that the Luthers who were The land on which the Trappists located in Cambria County be- longed at the time to Jacob Downing, a merchant of Philadelphia. 26 other old settlers of Cambria County, hauled some of their baggage, boxed up, to Loretto in sleds; and that the sick brother was afterwards reported to have died on the way, between Bed- ford and Lancaster, two more brothers to have died at Lancaster, and all three to have been buried there. Both old gentlemen related interesting anecdotes about the monks, which I must omit. What I have cited from my notes, taken almost word for word, as related by them, is sufficient to place beyond dispute the fact that the Trappists were in the northern part of Cambria County, Pennsylvania, and that they were there sometime between i8i i and 1814. For their identifi- cation nothing is wanting but recorded evidence. I, myself, feel morally certain that they were Pere Urban and his brethren. The restless disposition of the priest, as described by Mr. Byrnes, exactly fits the character of Pere Urban; and the broken-down, sickly condition of the brothers, implied in Mr. McGuire's account of their departure from Cambria County, is what we would expect in men who had undergone years of hardship. But the strongest argument of all is the fact that it could have been no one else. The whereabouts of all the Trappists who had come to America, can be accounted for between the Spring of I813 and the early part of 1814, except that of Pere Urban and his brothers. They left Monks' Mound in March, 1813, and came to Father Vincent de Paul's settlement in Maryland, in i814. At the longest, it ought not to have taken more than two months to make the trip. It is quite reasonable to suppose that the interim was spent on the Allegheny Mountains. Dr. Gallitzen may have accidently met them in Pittsburg and taken them to his mountain home; or the little band may have sought out the great missionary. Princess Gallitzen, the reverend doctor's mother, had been a friend and protectress of the Trappists during the troublesome times in Europe,-how natural for this stray remnant of the refugee colony to seek out the illustrious son of their former benefactress. The history of the Trappist settlement in Cambria County is a fitting epilogue to the story of Pere Urban's work in America. Its very obscurity adapts it to its place. Much of what Messrs. Byrnes and McGuire have told us about it was no doubt dimmed by time and colored by imagination. Their dates and figures, 27 though probably wrong, serve, nevertheless, as landmarks by which we may find the truth. Mr. McGuire's reference to the Soldiers in Bedford, gives a reliable clew to the time of departure, placing that event in the latter part of i813 or the beginning of I814. Though Messrs. McGuire and Byrnes both state that the Trappists were in Cambria County two or three years, it is probable that they were there only from about May until December in i8I3. Mr. McGuire says they came in Spring, and both he and Mr. Byrnes state that they left in cold weather. The report preserved for us by Mr. McGuire about the death of the three brothers and their burial at Lancaster, must have had its origin in the vivid imagination of some sympathetic individual who had observed their delicate health. It is not likely that the monks even passed through Lancaster. Mr. McGuire left them at Bedford, and as they were on their way to Maryland the most direct and convenient road would have lead them much south of Lancaster. What sad thoughts must have pervaded Pere Urban's mind as he repassed the same road, with his small, sickly band, over which he had lead the large stout-hearted colony nine years before. According to Father Vincent de Paul's memoirs, he arrived in St. Mary's County, Maryland, sometime in the early part of i8I4. Nothing is said about the number of men he brought with him, nor about their condition. Both himself and his men were merged in Pere Vincent de Paul's colony and we do not again hear his name mentioned by anyone until the final departure from New York. Pere Vincent de Paul, according to his own memoirs, set sail from Bordeaux on June iith, i812, and arrived at Boston on August 6th. Strange to say, Gaillardin gives the time of arrival as June 6th, i8ii. This is probably a misprint, for Gaillardin appears to be a most careful writer. Pere Vincent brought with him three members of his order, one sister and two brothers. The intention had been to bring five sisters who were to introduce into America the female branch of the Order, but only one was successful in getting a passpbrt out of France. The little band was kindly received at Boston by the Pastor of the town, Monsieur Matignon, who urged them to remain in the diocese of Bishop Cheverus. Pere Vincent de Paul, however, had orders to locate along the coast near Baltimore. After remaining at Boston 28 long enough to provide a temporary home for his brethren and get some needed rest, he started for Baltimore on foot. The Archbishop of Baltimore received him kindly and showed a disposition to aid him in his undertakings, but was evidently embarrassed for want of means. After a short while, a farm belonging to the Jesuits was placed at his command as a tempo- rary home. He accepted it and wrote to Boston for the two brothers, making arrangements at the same time to have the sister placed in a Convent there. Where this farm was located is not stated, but it is likely in the north-eastern part of St. Mary's County, Md., and near the place where he afterwards bought some land and established his colony. Meanwhile, a wealthy Balti- morean convert to the Catholic faith, offered him a tract of lafid, containing 2000 acres, on the mountains in Pennsylvania. It was situated near Milford in what is now Pike's County. The generous donor offered to send his son along as a guide if Father Vincent desired to go and view it. Father Vincent accepted the proffered services and at once started on his trip. His visit must have been very brief, and his inspection very unsatisfactory, for upon his return he immediately made preparation for a more prolonged visit. This time he took with him two young men who had applied for admission into the Order, permitting them to make the journey as part of their novitiate. The two brothers were left on the farm in Maryland. A sentence in Pere Vincent's memoirs conveys the idea that this second trip was made from Philadelphia. He states that the whole journey was made in silence and on foot, and in the next sentence referring to Milford, he locates it as sixty miles from Philadelphia, the starting point of the journey. Possibly this refers only to that portion of the trip which was made on foot. If Philadelphia was the bona fide starting-point, the two novices were likely Philadelphians. Father Vincent de Paul was in Philadelphia in August, i813, at which time he stopped with Bishop Egan, at old St. Joseph's, for at least one week. He baptized Rosetta De Silva on August 22d, Jane Havelan on August 29th and John Paul on August 3oth. It was then that he started on his second trip to Pike County, for he says in his memoirs, that they made the journey in summer and in very warm weather. The only place along the route of which he 29 speaks is Milford. Here he celebrated mass on a Sunday, and had for his congregation all the people of the town, though there was not a Catholic among them. After mass the two young men gave some instructions on the Catholic faith. The people re- quested him to remain among them, and offered to take up a subscription for his support. One man promised to give fifty dollars. Father Vincent, however, had not come as a missionary, but to establish his Order. He accordingly proceeded with his companions to the farm, or more correctly speaking tract of forest land. The exact location of this piece of land is not known, but might be discovered through the aid of some of the oldest residents of Pike County. It was on the mountain not far from Milford nor very far from the Delaware River, hence it must have been north-west of Milford. Upon their arrival at the place, Pere Vincent and his com- panions built a temporary cabin out of branches of trees. In it they sought shelter at night, and from it they made their ex- cursions through the dense forests to inspect the land. As a guide, they usually had a boy or young man from the neighboring country. One day, when Pere Vincent and the boy were out together they lost their way, and were overtaken by night. Seeing a large flat rock close by, Pere Vincent suggested that they camp on it over night. " If we do," said the boy, " we will be devoured by bears." Soon after, such unearthly howls went up from the dense woods around, that Father Vincent was glad to continue his search for the cabin until he found it. Two weeks were spent in examining the tract of land, and two weeks of hardship they were to Pere Vincent and his novices. The bare earth had to serve them as beds, and during the first few days they had to depend on wild fruits for their sustenance. On the fourth day, a Jew and a Protestant came to their relief with potatoes. The Jew remained with them over Sunday and attended mass, evincing, says Pere Vincent, a great interest in the Catholic faith. During the two weeks, Pere Vincent said mass several times in the cabin. He gave religious instructions to a family consisting of father, mother and three children, and had hopes of receiving them into the Catholic church, but owing to the interference of a woman from Milford, was disappointed. One day his companions and himself made a cross and carried it 30 in procession for the distance of a mile, singing psalms all the way. The latter part of the route they walked in their bare feet, though rattle-snakes abounded, and at its terminus they planted the cross. Pere Vincent soon discovered that the tract of land at his refusal, was not a good site for a Trappist monastery. It consisted of rocks and marshes, was over-run by snakes and wild animals, and was too far from large towns and too difficult of approach. He would gladly have remained as a missionary, but bound as he was by his vows to the interest of his Order, he could not do so. In company with his novices, he accordingly retraced his steps to the shores of Maryland. As on his way up, so on the return trip, he tarried for a few days with Bishop Egan at old St. Joseph's, in Philadelphia. He is recorded as having baptized Ann Elizabeth and John Sturges, twins, on October 4th, 1813, Mary Ann Shields and Margaret Dorothea on October ioth, and Mary Ann Norbeck and Edward Russell on October iith. He acquainted Bishop Egan of the ripening vineyard in the northern part of the State and advised him to send evangelical laborers into it, but the Bishop had no one to send. The part of Maryland to which Pere Vincent went, was the north-east of St. Mary's County, the most southern county of the State. He describes the place as being situated on the coast near the Patuxent River and not far from the Potomac. The Archbishop of Baltimore and the Sulpicians had long since advised him to establish his colony there. Many statements in his memoirs would lead one to believe that it was there he left the two brothers, and that he began the settlement before he made his trips to Pike County, Pennsylvania. This view gains addi- tional strength from the fact that three brothers, who arrived from France at the end of I812, or in the beginning of i813, are said to have joined the colony in Maryland. At what time the monks gave up the temporary home on the Jesuit farm and bought land of their own, and what distance the two places were apart, I have not been able to learn. Pere Vincent says that land was bought and its clearance at once begun. The colony lodged with a private family in the neigh- borhood until it had time to put up quarters for itself. With the aid of the negroes of the vicinity, who, Pere Vincent says, were all Catholics, the brothers completed a log-house eighteen feet 3' square in a short time. Afterwards a chapel was begun but it was likely never finished. During the Winter sufficient land was prepared to make a potato-patch, a garden and a nursery. Pere Vincent speaks in terms of praise of the fertility of the soil; hence, no doubt, the efforts at farming were successful. The colony was doing well, but as Spring approached, unlooked for enemies sprung up, which, as time wore on into Summer, grew to be almost unbearable. The effluvia from the marshes along the rivers breeded disease and pestiferous insects, and the great heat of the Summer w as most oppressive. The colony,' how-ever, held out for one season. Toward the end of I813, it was augmented by the arrival of Pere Urban and his comrades. Father Vincent says that Pere Urban joined his colony just before its departure for New York. The only clew I have been able to find to the time when the Maryland settlement broke up, is in the baptismal records of St, Joseph's Church, Philadelphia. Father Vincent de Paul is there recorded as having baptized Sarah Ann Johnson on January i8th, i814, John Peter Scott, adult, on January 23d, and Peter Robert Mayot on the same day. These baptisms he must have administered when on his way to New York. Sometime before the departure from Maryland two brothers died and were buried in the orchard close to the house. Their surviving brethren, fearing that their graves might be desecrated when the property fell into other hands, before leaving, took up the bodies at night, and on the following day buried them in a cemetery at the nearest village. Possibly these were some of Father Urban's sick comrades. As already intimated, Dom Augustine, the superior of the Order, and its rescuer in 1790, had come to America, to himself try to establish his Order. After a most unhappy voyage, during which he had been cast into prison at Martinique, upon the accusation of one of his own men, he arrived in New York in the early part of 1813, bringing with him several English and Irish monks from Lulworth. He at once cast about for a site for his monastery, and after a sltort while found a suitable property, which he purchased for ten thousand dollars. He called to New York, the colony in Maryland, thus gathering into one house all the Trappists in America, except Father Maria Joseph, who was still on the mission in Missouri. Barely enough survived to make 32 one communitity. The exact location of the monastery I have not been able to discover, but Father Vincent says it was situated on the plains not far from New York City. While looking after the interest of his own house, Dom Augustine did not forget the sister, who was patiently waiting at Boston for an oppor unity to establish the female branch of the Order. He had her come to New York, procured for her a house near the monastery, and thus enabled her to establish a convent, though necessarily on a very small scale. Probably other sisters of the Order had meanwhile come over from Europe, and it is not unlikely that recruits had come in from natives of the country. Pere Vincent de Paul was appointed chaplain to the convent and also to an Ursuline Convent about three and a quarter miles from the monastery. He said mass at both places on Sundays and feast-days. At the Ursuline Convent he received three Protestant young ladies, boarding scholars, into the Catholic church. For awhile the Trappist monastery near New York flourished. Dom Augustine took charge of thirty-three children, most of whom were orphans, to feed, cloth and educate gratuitously. Many persons, both Catholic and Protestant, visited the place, attracted no doubt in a great measure by curiosity. Many con- versions to Catholicity followed, says Gaillardin and among those who embraced the faith were some Protestant clergymen. An especially large crowd was drawn to the vicinity of the monastery on the Feast of Corpus Christi, when the monks having erected altars, at intervals, in a large field, carried the Blessed Sacrament around it in public procession. In spite, however, of apparent success the monastery could not gain a permanent foot-hold at New York. Unexpected opposition sprung up, money was wanting, and there was a yearning o:i the part of many of the monks to return to France. In the Fall of I814, it was decided to return to Europe, and steps were at once taken to do so. The members were divided into three groups. One consisting of twelve members, including the sisters, was taken charge of by Dom Augustine himself; another numbering fifteen persons, was placed under the guidance of Pere Urban; and the third, com- posed of seven people, under the direction of Father Vincent de Paul. The first and second set sail in October, I814, in two 33 separate vessels. The third remained behind to close up the temporal affairs of the monastery and did not leave New York until May, i815, when it set sail for Halifax on its way to Europe. At Halifax the ship was detained, and when it departed for Europe, Pere Vincent was by accident left ashore. Looking upon the matter as Providential, and knowing of no way to get to his brethern, he began at once to devote himself to a mission- ary life, in which he continued for many years. His life has been recently published by Miss Amy Pope, of Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, to whom I am under obligations for a transcript of part of his memoirs. The only Trappist left in the United States after 1815, was Pere Maria Joseph, who continued his missionary work in Missouri until .820, when he likewise returned to France. At the request of his superior he published memoirs of his work in America. These I have not been able to get the use of, although a copy is extant in Canada. ERRATUM. Page 3, line 6, for St. Bernard read Beueno.