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Oration commemorative of American independence : delivered before the American Republican Society of Philadelphia, on the Fourth of July, 1810 / by Charles Caldwell, M.D. ; published by order of the society.
Oration commemorative of American independence : delivered before the American Republican Society of Philadelphia, on the Fourth of July, 1810 / by Charles Caldwell, M.D. ; published by order of the society. Caldwell, Charles, 1772-1853. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images University of Kentucky, Electronic Information Access & Management Center Lexington, Kentucky 2002 b92-217-30936164 Electronic reproduction. 2002. (Beyond the shelf, serving historic Kentuckiana through virtual access (IMLS LG-03-02-0012-02) ; These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Oration commemorative of American independence : delivered before the American Republican Society of Philadelphia, on the Fourth of July, 1810 / by Charles Caldwell, M.D. ; published by order of the society. Caldwell, Charles, 1772-1853. Printed for Bradford and Inskeep, Fry and Kammerer, printers, Philadelphia: 1810. 34 p. ; 21 cm. Coleman Microfilm. Atlanta, Ga. : SOLINET, 1995. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (SOLINET/ASERL Cooperative Microfilming Project (NEH PS-20317) ; SOL MN04607.05 KUK) Printing Master B92-217. IMLS This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. Fourth of July orations. AN ORATION COMMEMORATIVE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, DELIVERED BEFORE THE AMERICAN REPUBLICAN SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA, On the Fourth of July, 8 180. BY CHARLES CALDWELL, M. D. Published by order of the Society. PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED FOR BRADFORD AND) INSK EEP, No. 4, S. THIRD STREET Fry and Kammerer, Printers. 1810. This page in the original text is blank. NO TE. THE following oration was composed in the space of two days, amidst no inconsiderable fress of professional engagements, and not a fewc inci- dental interrupitions. .t is now submitted to the press precisely as it was delivered, without the least pruning, correction, or additional polish. The author flatters himself that by a liberal pub- lic these considerations will be received as 3ome apology Jbr whatever faults and defects may ap- pear in its style or manner. In behalf of the senti- ments it contains he has no apology to offer. He believes them to be such as become every loya! Anewrican in these troubhlois and portento!ws timeC3 This page in the original text is blank. AN ORATION, &c. FELLOW CITIZENS, IN that joy of heart which freemen alone are privileged to know-in that pride of soul which freemen alone are permitted to feel-and un- der that impulse of admiration and gratitude, which the virtuous and the patriotic alone can experience, we are assembled to celebrate the choicest jubilee in our nation's annals, the brightest epoch in our nation's glory. Our intention in joining our fellow citizens. at large, to swell the pomp and heighten the festivity of this auspicious day-our inmme- diate object in mecting, in the character of a distinct society, in this place, set apart for the purpose, and prepared wvith yonder arrange- ments and decorations, withich give pleasure. to the eye, and render the scene more inipres- The oration was delivered within view of the table at which the society dined. The table was spread under a saloon, nearly three hundred feet long, erected for the purpose, and decorated in a style of great magnificence, with flags, busts, paintings, and other ornaments suitable to the occasion. 6 sive and interesting-Our object, I say, in these measures, is, to offer up on the altar of patriotism the incense of our best affections, for our escape from the degradation of a fo- reign yoke-It is, to endeavour to commemo- rate, in a manner comporting with the dignity of the occasion, that august, that glorious everys the Independence of our country. INDEPENDENCE! loveliest term in our political vocabulary! what a life-quickening power! what a soul-exalting influence is connected with the sound! At the very name of Indepen- dence, where is the American bosom among us so callous as not to thrill with sensations the most exquisite and delightful! Where is the American heart so cold, as not to burst into a glow of patriotic rapture! Where is the Ameri- can spirit so ignoble, as not to swell widt a pride the most elevating and manly! And where is the American arm so tame and pusil- lanimous, as not to feel a generous impulse to rise in its defence!-If one such heart-if ofe such spirit-if one such arm, exist in this as- sembly, let it immediately withdraw-Its fel- lowship is dishonour, its touch is pollution- It is an infidel approaching the relicks of tbe 7 holy-it is an unwelcome, an unworthy intru. der into this hallowed spot!-A spot conse- crated, for the time, to patriotism and to ho. nour! The event we commemorate is calculated to awaken our joy, because it has been the chief source of our national, and is essentially con- nected with our individual, felicity.-It is cal- culated to awaken and foster in our bosoms a well founded and laudable pride, because it has been, at once, the day-spring and the meridian, the commencement and the consummation, of glory to the American character.-It is calcu- lated to awaken our highest admiration, on ac- count of the wisdom, the valour, the incorrupt- ible virtue and the unbending firmness, that were displayed in its achievement.-And it is calculated-pre-eminently calculated to awak- en our gratitude to a variety of objects-grati- tude to the sages who planned-gratitude to the heroes who achieved, our re'voluttion- and, above all, gratitude, glowing gratitude to the God of our fathers and countrymen, who smiled on their efforts in the cause of virtue, of freedom, and of glory! The celebration of the event, of' whicb this 8 day constitutes the proud anniversary, far from being a matter of mere pleasure or choice, may be justly enrolled in the catalogue of our du- ties. Though I will not assert that no man can be a worthy citizen of the American govern- inent without participating in such celebra- tion. yet I would not shrink from an attempt to prove, that he might be a better citizen with it. By mingling with his fellow citizens in the honours and patriotic festivities of the day, his affections would be more perfectly purified from the grossness, and more liberally extend- ed beyond the narrowness, of grovelling self. lie would be roused-profitably roused from his cold indifference and dangerous languor as to public conicerns. He would experience an augmentation of both his relish and his grati- tude for the inestimable privileges and immu- nities of freedom. His whole soul would be expanded, his heart ennobled, and his con- science rendered more keenly alive to a sense of all. his obligations to the State. His love of comartv would be further matured and con- firmed, his sense of national honour quicken- ed Wand exalted, and his national character in ,ill respects materially improved. To your own 9 personal experience-to the sublimated feel- ings and sentiments which, at this moment, thrill through your frames and riot in your bo- soms, I dare confidently appeal for the truth of what I assert. Nor have we yet summed up the full amount of the advantages society might expect to de- rive from the deportment of one so attentive to the discharge of civic duties, and so zealous in the cultivation of public affections. Tile influi- ence of his example would become happily contagious. It would extend far beyond him- self, and excite others to a laudable emulation of his conduct, till the whole community would feel the regenerating glow, and experience the benefits of the national jubilee. Thus would all improper attachments to foreign nations be ultimately dashed from their usurped seat in the bosom, and our own beloved country right- fully and permanently enthroned in the affec- tions of her citizens. In a word, as the conscientious celebration of religious festivals contributes to the interests of piety and devotion, and tends to complete the character of the christian, so does the fre- quent celebration of national festivals multiply B 10 and exalt the civic virtues, and give a higher lustre to the character of the patriot. Hence, in every country, whether barbarous or civi- lized, and in every age, whether ignorant or enlightened-wherever the name of patriotism has been known, and its benefits to the state held in due estimation, public festivals and public games have been celebrated as success- ful means to fan and perpetuate its holy fires. That we may be able the more justly to ap- preciate our Independence, and be induced to give it in our affections that exalted standing to which it is entitled, let me solicit your in- dulgence, while considering it, for a moment, in the three folloii ing points of view. 1, In relation to the privileges and benefits it has conferred on us as a nation and as individuals. -2, In relation to the cost of its original achievement. And 3, In relation to the deeds of heroism and glory, with which that achieve- ment was necessarily connected. I. During our revolutionary contest, when we were yet in a humble colonial situation, without strength, without experience, without confidence in ourselves, without a character, and without either internal resources or ex- I1 ternal alliances-when our very existence, as a people, was menaced on every side by an enemy equally powerful, determined, and brave-when the fair spring-tide of hope in the bosoms of the nost sanguine was ra- pidly withering into the bleak and cheerless winter of despair-when the most buoyant spirits were sinking into inaction, and even the souls of the bravest had almost ceased from their daring-when the entire state of our affairs was such, that nothing short of super- human agency seemed capable of saving us- In this extremity of circumstances, the present nothing but a tempest of disasters, and the future a starless night of despondency, the Genius of Independence stept forth,like a giant in his might, and threw before our country his impenetrable shield. By this opportune, this heaven-directed in- terposition in our belhailf, he rescued us from fate, and changed the whole aspect and current of our affairs. From a loose collection of dis- jointed colonies, he raised us at once to a great confederated nation. Obedient to his creative word, order and sound government sprang fresh and tigorous frolt the chaos of anarchy. 12 Quickened by the reviving magic of his touch, distrust of ourselves was soon converted into a high-minded and salutary confidence. The cherub Hope, resuining from his smile the roses of her cheek and the lustre of her eye, poured her consolatory influence into every bosonm; while, blasted by his frown, and shrink- ing from the fiery terrors of his sword, the spectre Despair fled howling from our land. External alliances and external resources were in a short time procured, and our friendship was even courted by the nations of Europe- nations, which had previously regarded us with sentiments of indifference, if not of dis- respect. Beneath the auspices and the banner of In- dependence our sages now counselled and our warriors fought with redoubled effect. In the eyes of the independent sovereignties of the old world, our contest for freedom now changed both its object, its character, and its name. It was no longer rebellion-no longer unjust re- sistance to the authority of a parent state, but legitimate and honourable warfare. And this consideration contributed not a little to its successful termination. It procured for us that 13 sympathy and cooperation from abroad,without which the issue of the conflict would have been protracted and doubtful. Nor was this all. Independence being once declared, there was no retreating-no return to a colonial condition, without mortification being superadded to irretrievable ruin. The pride, therefore, no less than the lives and fortunes of the sages and champions of freedom became trebly pledged for a continuance of the, contest. It was indeed the opinion of the ablest statesmen of the day-an opinion which has, I believe, been uniformly adopted by the states- men of succeeding times, that had not inde- pendence been declared at the critical period in which the declaration took place, our liber- ties would have been lost. The spirit of our countrymen would have ebbed into irreme- diable despair, the flame of civil commotion would have burst forth from the disaffected in a wide-spreading conflagration, and the last ger m of American freedoni would have wvi- thered to its core, crushed by the sceptre of floreign dominiation. But the advantages we have derived from ilie declaration of Independence were not 14 confined. to the soul-trying period of our revo- lutionary conflict. We have experienced them during the tranquillity of a twenty years' peace, no less sensibly than we did during the tur- nioil of a se-en years' war. We indeed expe- rience them daily in all the privileges, all the pleasures, and all the felicities, resulting from the prerogative of selfgovernment. _Vs the fruit of our Independence, we enjoy a constitution and government of our own free -emd deliberate choice-not a form of govern- iiient framed for us in a ioreign cabinet, in --v hich. - e have no representation, and enforced ;t the point of a mttercenary bayonet-We enjoy a goiernment of long established principles and well digested laws-laws founded on jus- tice and framed by the deliberative wisdom of the nation-not a government depending for its form. its character, and its operation, ou the capricious will or malignant temper of a weak, a lwhimsical, or a wicked individual- We enjoy a government of checks, of well proportioned branches, and well balanced powers-not a government where a single branch exercises a sovereign and despotic ridle. NN ithout control, without responsibility 15 -We enjoy a government suited to our ge- nius, our habits, our views, our interests, our partialities, and even our prejudices, as a peo- ple-A government administered bv citizens of our own election, well acquainted with the characters, the interests, and the feelings, and participating in the sympathies of those over whom they are to exercise authority-citizens who have themnselves a. deep and lasting stake inl the is sue of the ad m inistration of our public concerns.-Ini a word, we enljoy a government which has for its immediate object, the great- est political good of' the great body of the American people-.-We are not, I say, subject to a government suited only to the jealous spirit, the illiberal policy, the time-serving views, or- the ambitious and criminal projects of a foreigii cabinet or a ioreign despot-A government admltinistet ed by strangers ap- pointed ov-e r us fronr a distant nation, unac- uainlteld with our habits, our character, and otur interests, and disregarding our feelings and aflections both public and private-strangfers, who, having themselves no stake in the issue of the trust reposed in them, have no para- mnount inducement to discharge that trust in a 11 manner consistent with justice, with virtue, and with honouir. In fine, we are not subject to a government, which, proud in power and regardless of right, rules us not with a view to our own good, but drains us of our resources to the very dregs, the more firmly to rivet the fetters which enslave us, and to subserve the purposes of its own aggrandizement. Such, my fellow citizens, are a few of the advantages which we derive from the event we are assembled to commemorate. Few, howe- ver, as they are. and faintly and imperfectly as they have been pictured to you. I trust they are sufficient to induce you to prize your In- dependence as among the most distinguished of political blessings, and to resolve to main- tain it for yoiirselves, and transmit it to your posterity, unimpaired in its principles, and, should circumstances demand it. even conse- crated with vour blood. II. AVe are now to take a hasty retrospect of the cost of the achievement of oi1r national Independence. But here. my fellow citizens, in justice to in-self; to my subject, and to the occasion. it becomes me to pause. No language of' iine (an pos;ilblv fet fortli. nor can any 17 power of Inuillnbers calculate the stupendous uniouiit. Feelijlg, more eloquent, and silence, iore expressive, alone can reach it. Throwing entirely out of the account the millions of treasure expended, and the rivers of blood that flowed fronm the veins of our brave and hardy soldiery during the period of our revolutionary strugg'les-Throwitig out also the untold amount of private sorrow and dis- tress arisnltg from this waste of death among obscure individuals-Throwing out the pain and solicitude of mind experienced by the friends and advocates of freedom, in relation to the issue of the momentous conflict-Throw- ing out the consumption and sacrifice of seven long years, by thousands of the most active and enterprizing of our countrymen-And throNin-,g out, further, the inconceivable anmount of the suffierings and privations submitted to- patienitly submitted to, by every class and de- scrip)tiont of those who were friendly to the liberties of their country-Throwing out of the account, I say, all these items, and you will readily agree with me that they are unspeak- ably weighty, wie have still behind an amount. C 18 of cost that beg-!ars calculation and sets lan- guage at defiance. As contributing to swell this yet uinreckon- ed balance. we mi-hlt here wention the fall of numerous characters. whose worth was invalu- able, and whose loss can never be sufficiently deplored-characters who would have been an ornament to ancient Greece or Rome, in their brightest period of wisdom and virtue, or in their proudest day of military glor. First iii order and preeminent in fame, in the catalogue of w orthies, who expended their blood in the purchase of our Independence, stand Warren and Moontgomery, Mercer and Nash. Next, and not unworthy of such distin- guished companions in glory, come Herkimer and Wooster, De Calb and Pulaski, Davidson and Scammel. Otheers still succeed in this splendid galaxy of fIallen chieftains, whose names a want of time will not sufler me to mention. History has done them justice. and their story is engraven on a still fairer tablet, the gratitude of their countrymen-A tablet whose contents are registeren in yonder Hea- ven. and will outlive the ruin of all that is sub- lunary. BTt let me not pass unnoticed that 19 beam of war, Laurens. the beloved Marcellus of his country. w-ho. though green in years, and a stripling in arins, as lie had lived the object of universal hope. fell the object of universal sorrow, mature in wisdom and covered with glory! 111. The third division of my subject now presents itself before me, clothed in a lustre almost painfully dazzling-a lustre unfortu- nately destructive of theat clear and discrimi- nating vision, so peculiarly necessary to the business of description. The object of this di- vision is, to give a view of those deeds of he- roism and glory connected with the achieve- ment of our national Independence. Here, my fellow citizens, I must again have recourse to vour candour and indulgence. Again must I icknowledge m-yself unequal- totally unequal to the task I have undertaken- unequal, indeed, for want of time, but more une(lual for want of talents. 1 must implore you, thierefore, to supply by your imaginations my deficieucy of language to do justice to mny subject. 'The resplendent train of military achieve- ments which grew out of our memorable 20 struggle for Independence, 1 might, indeed, mention. hut would not dare to attempt their description. I would not dare to relate in hum hle prose, the story which should resound in the eloquence of eplic numbners; nor would I dare to delineate in feeble colours, what should burti in all the brilliancy of the skies. Such an attempt wvould he unjust and unbe- coming: Unhecominiig in ine, unjust to the occasion-and doubly -unjust to the memorv of our revolution.ary heroes. Could I with this pencil emblazon the sun shining int all his golden majesty-or could I portray the rainbow bestriding the heavens in its gorgeous glory-then might I, in such lan- xuage as I could command, attempt to describe the feats of arms wbich secured our Indepen- dence. Then mnight I endeavour to fascinate your ears, and lead captive your feelings by a recital of the glorious achievements of Bunker's Hill, of Bennuington. of Saratoga, of Trenton. of Priuceton. of Stonev-1Poi ut, of' Brandywine. of Germantown, of MonnIoUthtl, of King's N.lountain, of the Cowp)ens, of' Guilford, of Eutaw, and of York. But, as well might I attempt to Sotr -with the eagrle journeying to- 221 wards the sun, or keep pace with the comet in its rapid career, as to dream of ascending to the level of suich exalted themes. The events to which I have alluded adorn history and are known to fame. They even live in the memories and glow in the affections of most of our fellow citizens, being laudably transmitted from sire to son, in the familiar and impressive form of oral tradition. There is ground, therefore, to hope that they will long continue the ornament and pride of American storv. Should this be the case, they may yet contribute to the preservation, no less essen- tially than they did to the achievement, of the Independence of our country. Hitherto, however, complete justice has not been done to them. They have never yet been portrayed in colours and characters strong Hi life and true to nature-never yet been exlti- bited to the world pregnant with all their native fire, and glowing in all their energy and action. Nor will this he done till the pencil of a Reynolds, a West or a Trumnbhull shall con- sign them to the canvass, or a modern Homer arise to celebrate them in song as deathless as themselves. 22 Havingr thus, mly fellow citizens,endeavoured to unfold to vou a summary view of the causes and c(nsiderations out of which our love of Independence should spring, I purposed here to lhave closed my address. But before I de- scend fromn the stage another duty remains to be per'or1nied-a duty, in my view, greatly paramkoulnt to those in the discharge of which I have been hitherto engaged. It is to warn you. solem-inly, wi-arn you of the dangers by which our indlepclndence is tlireateiied, and to direct your attvi-ition to the iron despotism which is fnedit4teld aainlst tfie liberties of our countrv. I need not r'epresenlt to you. for the truth It is important here to remark, that there is an essential dif- ference between mere aggressions on our rights and interests, however atrocious those aggressions may be, and danger to our independence. Many nations are capable of injuring us, that have not the physical power to enslave us. Denmark, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and others might be satisfactorily cited in sup- port of my position. The same thing is true with regard to Great Britain. That that proud and imperious power has done us multiplied and aggravated injuries and wrongs, is a truth which every Anericanmust acknowledge and feel-injuries and wrongs for which we are entitled to ample reparation, and which have even an unfriendly influence on the cause of their haughty and 7m201ilic perpetrator. But she is wholly incapable of endangering o'ir independence. We shook off her yoke, when, as a nation, we were infantile and weak: she cannot, therefore, replace it on us ':ow that we are adult anrl powerful. These are my reasons for leaving her entirely out of view. in speaking of the dangers by which our liberties are thrca ened. 23 already breaks on you front every quarter, that the present state of society is unprecedented and portentous-That the aspect of the times is threatening beyond example to the freedom of the world. Universal empire was once re- garded as the project of the insane-the un- substantial dream of royal lunacy. But it is so no longer. Far fromn being now the mere chimera of a distempered brain, appearances announce, that it may he shortly reduced to a dreadful reality. Already hias the demon of universal domina- tion gone forth on his career, and advanced with strides that astonish and alarm. Already has he extended his blood-stained sceptre from the pillars of Hercules to the sea of Kamn- sclhatka, and from the shores of the Mediter- ranean to the Frozen ocean. Continental Europe, wsith all her sovereign. ties-sovereignties vihich seemed to promise a duration stable as the earth a1nd lasting as time, has surrendered up her Independence to the Despot of France. Froni the pinnacle of 'er pride amId the plenitude of her power, she has sunk into an abyss of degradation and im- potency. Her once faomed kingdoms and emi- 24 pires have now degenerated into conquered provinces. and her high-spirited courts into petty corporations, destined to bend to the nod, and to register the decrees of an imperial mas- ter. Even the Autocrat of all the Russias, the august descendant of Peter and of Catharine, the independence of whose empire nature her- self would seem to have guarantied-Alas! even he, has fallen from the summit of his greatness, and tarnished the lustre of his im- perial house, by doing homage to the supre- inacy of the Gallic sceptre. Having completed the sul)jugation of Eu- rope, the Emperor of France, with the warlike millions of the continent in his train, now turns his attention to the conquest of Great Britain. In that haughty mistress of the ocean, or rather in her fleet, the grand repository of her power and greatness, he sees or fancies he sees the only existing obstacle to his career of univer- 4al empire. The removal of that obstacle constitutes now the primary aim of his ambition, the first and darling object of his soul. Nor will any thing be wanting for the attainment of that object, that either fraud or force, corruption or bribe- 25 ry, chicanery or artifice (can devise or execute. All the powers of his stupendous mind, and all the malignant passions of his nature, are laid under contribution for the downfal of England. It is, indeed, true, the subtle Ntpoleon holds out the idea, and many persons are weak enough to believe him sincere, that lhe is fight- ing the battles of trade and conlimerce-thiat lie is contending with his rival for the liberty of the seas. But, according to his mnaritime code, in what, does this liberty of the seas consist Let facts-undeniable facts answer the ques- tion-facts, compared with which, even the erimes of a Caligula and the enormities of a Domitian, whiten into innocence and mount into virtue. These facts declare, that the Gallic liberty of the seas consists in a liberty of' universal pillage, outrage, and ruin-a liberty of the stronger to gratify their cupidity and glut their vengeance, at the expense of the wveaker-A liberty to capture, to plunder, to burn, to sink, or otherwise destroy .t sea, and to seize and confiscate in port, all vessels of a neutral cha. racter, engaged in a fair and legitimate com- nmerce-In a word, it consists in a liberty to D 26 [eggar the cofen, and bring wretchedness on the seamen, of all commercial nations, with a view t.) swell the treasures and gratify the revenge of Napoleon the Destroyer. SuchI, my fellow citizens, is the liberty of the seas for which the emperor of France has long been contending-such is the liberty he has practised, exultingly practised with respect to hundreds of American vessels, thousands of American seamen, and millions on millions of American property! And, when applied to, through the regular organ, for redress of these enormities, what has been his uniform conduct on the occasion and what the answer the tyrant has returned Tflit drop of blood among us. which, on a re- view of his conduct, and a recital of his an- swer, does not boil with indignation, is unloyal to our independence, and unworthy to flow in. the veins of an American. Has not his answer been invariably clothed in the language of indignity, if not in a style of authority, menace and reproach Has he not, in reply, declared-insolently declared that, as a people, we are without policy, without honour, without energy, and without character Has he 27 not, in his own capital. within the very walLk of his ozvn zo.spitality, treated our minister, for daring to remonstrate, with the nmost pointed and humiliating disrespect Has he not conducted himself towards the govern- ment of ouir country more like that of a con- quered province, than like that of a great. sovereign and independent nation Has he not presumeled-pardon me, I entreat you, for doing violence to yonr feelings by awakening in your minds a recollection so detestable- Has he not presumed, in the intoxication of his pride and the unprecedented insolence of his nature, to dictate to us the terms and conditions on which we must embark in a ruinous war In a word, has he not, in every instance, in whichi the United States has been concernedl. added the very essence of insult to the con- summation of injury and wrong To the cor- respondence between general Armstrong and the due de Cadore-a correspondence which inflames the resentment and carries conviction to the mind of every enlightened and loyal Xinerican, I appeal for an answer to these se- veral i uterrogatories. If outrages and enormnities like these he suffered to pass without retaliation-If affronts 28 and insults so gross and degrading be tamely pocketed by the government and the nation, then have Warren, Mlontgonmery, Mercer, Nash, and the other fallen 'v orthies of the revolution, shed their blood in vain on the altar of Inde- pendence! Then is our celebration of this an- niv-ersay nothing better than a splendid mock- erv, and the day, if noticed at all, should be set apart for national mourning, rather than lor national festivity and rejoicing! Then will it lie even wise in us to cancel for ever the re- mmbrahlnce or what we have been, that it may no lonPer heighten the poignancy of our regret for what 'we are!-But I reject with indigna- tion the galling supposition! The outrages of the Corsican will not be tolerated. Americans will ultihmately be true to theniselves. The patriotism of our fathers is not yet extinguished in the bosomns of their descendants. The spirit of Seventy-Six only sleeps for a season. It will shortly break forth from its slumbers fresh and vigorous as the sun from the bosom of dark- ness. aned dispel by its radiance the gloom that surrounds us. Thoroughly convinced, then, as we must be, that the disposition of the Gallic Despot is '29 hostile to our country-and knowing, also, that his cupidity is without bounds, and his ambi- tion restless as the ocean and insatiable as the grave-With a knowledge, I say, of these facts, let us suppose him successful in his en- terprize against Great Britain-Let us suppose Great Britain to fall in the conflict, and her conqueror to become possessed of her power- ful navy, with all the other resources of that wonderful island-Under such circumstances, would the ultimatum of the policy and views of the usurper be accomplished Would the extent and measure of his ambition be then filled up Would lie, then, be satisfied to sit calmlv down, and spend the remainder of his (lays in peace and tranquillity, content with tihe splendid title of Autocrat of Europe and her hundred isles Alas, my fellow citizens, the experience of every age. and the blood- stained history of every conqueror, convince us that he would not. rhey convince us that his love of domination, far from experiencing any retiring ebb, would rush impetuously on, and even increase in its violence, as long as a sin- 'le nation should be found in possevsion of its liberties. Did the tyrant of Macedon, after having completed the conquest of one world, dissolve into tears. because he could not find another as food for his sword And would the tyrant of Europe. still more ambitious, more inexora- ble, and more sanguinary-Would he, I say, rest satisfied with the conquest of the eastern hemisphere, while the freeborn inhabitants of the West l)resellt a prey to his arms, and their wealth a gratification to his boundless rapacity The answer to this question I might safely leave to vourselves; for confident 1 am you would answer it correctly. Now-even now, do I read. its answer in the expression of your countenances-Even now do I behold your iips ready to break out in a universal, an em- phatical, No! Let the British navy be once swept from the bosom of the ocean-Or, what is worse, let it once becomlje an engine of conquest and op- pression in the hand of Napoleon-Let the perfidious and all-graslping Corsican acquire in any way the samne -ase endency on the Atlan- tic that he now possesses on the continent of Europe, and imnmediately would the day of our troubles conme on. Like an unheard of Colos- 31 sus, that heaven-denounced scourge of his time, trampling with one foot on the liberties of Europe, would endeavour to crush iwith the other, the liberties of America. Thick as the locusts round Pharaoh's borders, and fierce as the Harpies of ancient fable, would his blood. enamoured legions be wafted to our coasts, eager to let loose on us the tempest of war. Then, may fellow citizens, would be revived in the new vorld. scenes which have already been the terror of the old. Then would the cherub Peace fly weeping from our borders, her olive withered by the envenomed breath, and her temple consumed by the torch, of Discord. Tlien would recommence with re- doubled rage and more determined obstinacy, the dubious contest for our freedom and In- dependence. In relation to the particular scheme of na- tional policy best calculated for the prevention of these disasters, it does not belong to me, at present, to hazard an opinion. That we must leave to the wisdom, patriotism, and firnmness, of the government of our country. And how- ever widely we may difter from them on the score of local politics, we have not abandoned 3.2 the hope, that, on the subject of our foreign relations. such measures will yet be adopted as will finite in their support the virtuous and the patriotic of every description. An occur- rence like this would deserve to be hailed with aeclarnations. and celebrated with enthusiasm, as a most propitious epoch in the history of the nation. But, should tle evils just alluded to, as Iaarming probabilities, 6ccur as still more fatal realities-Should Britain fall, and France attempt an ins asion of our borders, our duty and policy would be no longer doubtful-no longer a lesson to lbe learnt from the counsels of others. They would now be sought for, not in the eool calculations of the statesman, but in the indignant and honourable feelings of the man. Every husband, father, brother, or lover. would now discover them in his own breast. in lines as legible and impressive, as if thev were inscribed on the heavens in stellar characters. In suchl a crisis, Liberty or Death, Indeipen- dence or a glorious grave, would become once more the motto of the American people. And yoi. my Fellow citizens, as a part of them. 33 would adopt it as your own. With this engra- ven on the sanctuary of your bosoms, and your trust reposing on the God of armies, you would meet the invaders at the waters edge, and there would commence the deadly conflict. In the sight of your families and friends, whose fates would be suspended on the execution of your arms-In view of the tombs of your fathers, who. when you were of tender yearsl had suc- cessfully fought the battles of their country, and whose sacred ashe, would now claim pro. tection fromn the insult of the foe-In view of your homes and your holy places, and in behalf of every thing for which freemen would wish to live or dare to die-Under all these iieen- tives to gallantry aid piory, you would dispute by inches the soil of your native land, enrich- ing it indiscriminately with the blood of its enemies and its friends. If forced by superior numbers and superior discipline to retire from the hard fought field, you would waste by fire every article of subsistence, and brin-g famine in aid of the laboures of your swords. If still pursued, and compelled to abandon both your cities and your cultivated plains, you would retreat across the mountains, and determine to E 34 incorporate with the savages of the western wilds, rather than become the vassals of Gallic usurpation. But, if again molested in this dis- tant rallying place, this modern Utica, the ulti- mate retreat of freedom and Independence, even then, in that extremity of fortune, would a last effort remain to be made, a last duty remain to be performed. Taking counsel from necessity, and courage from the justice and the righteous- ness of your cause, you would rush on your pursuers with the w eapons of despair, and either exterminate them in your fury, or expire at their feet. with the liberties of the world.