You have found an item located in the Kentuckiana Digital Library.
Tariff reform : address / by Prof. W.B. Smith. Smith, William Benjamin, 1850-1934. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images University of Kentucky, Electronic Information Access & Management Center Lexington, Kentucky 2002 b92-260-31825537 Electronic reproduction. 2002. (Beyond the shelf, serving historic Kentuckiana through virtual access (IMLS LG-03-02-0012-02) ; These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Tariff reform : address / by Prof. W.B. Smith. Smith, William Benjamin, 1850-1934. Statesman Book and Job Office Print, Columbia, Mo. : 1890. 55 p. ; 23 cm. Coleman Cover title: "Tariff reform: an address to the farmers and laborers of the Mississippi Valley ..." Microfilm. Atlanta, Ga. : SOLINET, 1995. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (SOLINET/ASERL Cooperative Microfilming Project (NEH PS-20317) ; SOL MN05063.04 KUK) Printing Master B92-260. IMLS This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. Tariff United States. Protectionism. TO GROVER CLEVELAND, LEADER STATESMAN PATRIOT WHO WAS, AND LS NOT, AND LS TO COMR- BY EXPIF.-I, S 1'E1M11iSI()N '1 THLS -music centred in a doleful song Steaming up. a lamentation and an ancient tale of wrong.- Full the tale of fearful meaning. and the words are strong.- Chanted from an ill-used race of men that cleave the soil,- Sow the seed. and reap the harvest with enduring toil. DoirNt4 i).knxrARIFF .i': .i of wheat and corn and oil. Till they perish- IS DMDICATHD BY THE AUTHOR. TARI1F111F REFA ORM. ADDRESS ElY PROF. w B SMITH, OF COLUMBIA, MO. DELIVERED IN COURT HOUSE, COLUMB[A, ON FEBRUARY 8, 1890. PUBLISHED AT REQUEST OF THE COLUMBIA DEMOCRATIC CLUB. COLUMBIJA, MO., STATESMAN ROOK AND JOB OFFICE PIINT, I 89.O. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. The following address was delivered at invitatioin of the Democratic club of Columbia, MNo., February 8, 1890, n .der whose auspices it is ow publ)Iislled. The wis-h of the club has been mnet in retaining exactly the original form and contents of the address, as the latter al)l)eared in tVle Missouri Stafe.smliani of February 12, where the extem- )ore peroration was merely summnarized: but in the .Nu7pppieucnt a number of points llltouche(l inj the address hive been subjected to brief btit liot wholly inadequate treatment, wherel)y it is hoped that the reader liiay be helped in somne imeasure toward a correct judgment llpo the supreme p)olitico-eeolbomic qitestion of the day. WV. B. SMITH. COLUM113IA, Mo.. April. 1890. ADDRESS. (rjcitflocuun, I9 4ietw C'itizlr'tx It has already been declared in this presence. under what circmstances I appear before you. On last Thursday afternoon a note was brought to my class-room from my honored friend, Prof. Tiedeeman, announcing his serious illness and requesting me to fill, as well as might be, his engagement to address you. Burdened to the very limit of my mental and physical strength with teaching the austerest sb jects. I was at first minded to decline the request, even though it proceeded from my fellow-teacher and fellow-stuldent. And certainly, if I had any reputation as a speaker either to make or to lose, it would be the part of wisdomn for me to keep silent, though it be in forty languages, for neither from art nor from nature have I the priceless gift of ready deliverance, on any subject. Min& is what the Frenchiman call istair-step liit",-alwavs a few minutes late. In fact, I might easily write a handsome volume of the good things I might have said on various occasions, hut did not say. Especially, however, such a great anid momentous them as the Tarifi; it looks almost like a profanation to treat in a hasty, or superficial, or inadlequate manner, and that such must be moN manner of treatmmment is evident indeed from the circumstances that attend my appearance. and y.ou will all concede it before I have done. Nevertheless, all these wveighty considerations are outweighed by a single one in the opo:-,ite scale, and that is this: Tlme cause of Tariff Reform is too dear and sacred, its importance is too sublime and overshadowing, and the odds against which it contends are too vast and tremendous for any advantage even the smallest to be thrown away, for any opportunity even the slightest to be neglected. Here now is a chance to do some good, however little, at a sacrifice however great of personal convenience and l)reference, and I should be false to my duty as an American citizen, false to eternal truth and justice, false to myself, false to my God, ini allowing any other considerations than those of the common weal to dictate my decision. A FARMER HIMSELF. According to my information, this meeting is held largely in the interest of the farmers of this county. Assuredly my services are 4 Toriff Rfor, oIfdess of -. . slmith. rendered not the less readily on that account. If there be one element of our population which, more than another. enlists my hearty sympathy in its struggles and aspirations, one element whose ears I would till with the clangor of a trumpet calling them to awake, arise, or be forever slaves to the vilest of all tyrannies, the tyranny of ill-gotten wealth extorted from the many by the few tinder the compulsion of iniquitous legislation, if there be one body of my countrymen whom I would startle as with thunder from the treacherous sleep of fancied freedom but real serfdom, it is the farmers. And why not 1, too, sprung from the soil. I, too, am one of them; all their joys and griefs, their trials and triumphs, their hopes and their disappointments, are known to me not by report, not by observation, but by actual experience. '1he earlier years of my life were passed on a farm in this state, at the hemp- brake, in the tobacco-patch, amid the waving corn-fields, in the wake of the cradle and the reaper. It was by wagoning wheat ten miles to St. Joseph, with a yoke of oxen, by following a double- shovel plow behind dun-colored, sway-backed, but strong and tire- less Pompey across a thirty-acre field, by driving the corn to market in the guize of fatted Berkshires, that I made the money which supported me three years at a seat of learning. Pitch-fork and hemp-hook, plough, hoe and shovel, scvthe and cradle, spade, ax and grindstone-the manifold implements of husbandry-all these have I known from my youth up. It is on the farm that my mother and sisters, and my remoter kinsmen, still wage the struggle for existence against the hellish devices of eastern gluttony, it was on the farm that my father, the' most unoffending of men, in whose innocent presence the tongues of malice and hatred were palsied and could not wag, it was on the farm and in the name of freedom that he was assassinated by a hireling ruffian. Is it unnatural or incredible, then, that the farm still enchains my thoughts and affections with a sad and weird fascination, that the farmer of all men has a double portion of my deep and lively antd genuine interest and sympathy A DE1PLORIABILE CONDITION. You have no need to tell me, my friends, that the condition of your ancient and honorable industry is in the last degree unsatisfac- torv. I know it already. The evidence of it is direct and palpable beyond all need or desire. While the city of St. Joseph has trebled, four-folded, five-folded its wealth and population, my mother's farm. the scene of my youthful activities, has sunk to half its rental value. and it would be almost impossible to sell it. You can yet live it is true, but who can not, if he will only work hard enough Why. I know bv actual experiment that even a professor at the Missouri 4 Tar-ifl' Refom Adldtles ot 11W. B. Smith. University, by doing double work may make a living. lIut he can not get fat, he can rmake little or no provision against a moneyless old age. Neither can yol. my friends. fatten upon the rich alluvial soil which pours forth beneat l your tillage the most abundant liar- vests this planet has ever beheld. For you the very hone-y-comb of nature is tuirned to gall and worm-wood, the blessings of soil and elimnate,-God's own benediction outspoken in the earl y and latter rain is turned into a blighting, withering, curse, the voice of love and mercy calling out fromn heaven is drowned in its own echo from the depths of hell. These are not the words of rhetoric or exagger- ation: they are words of truth and soberness, they are spoken amidd the snows of the Sth of February, not amid the heats of the 4th of July. The naked fact is that the condition of our agricultural popu- lation is relatively deplorable, and is yearly growing worse. I say relatively for -oul are not yet paupers or indigent. an(] you will have onlv y-ourselves to blame if you ever become so : vou are still and mnay you ever be the richest. the happiest. the most enlightened rura'l population that ever trod this planet. Absolutely you are still open to hearty congratulations and I gladly extend them. But rela- tivelv the case is far different. When compared Nvith what you. ought to he, under the working of just and wvise legislation, nay, with what vou-certainlv -would be untrammeled by any legislation, your situation must arouse righteous indignation. What comnfort, compliment or consolation is it to you, chil(l of freedomn and the l9th century. whose herds darken a hundred hills, whose corn drift- ing in vaves of silver rolls on to harvest over a thousand acres. to tell you that you are mliue ".better otf than the European bond- tmian lecrepit with the ignorance an(l palsied vith the tyranny of twelve centuries, the puny possessor of a sterile garden and a famishing she-goat Is it not mockery and insuilt even to suggest such a comparisonr Men of Missouri. yours is by the free gift of God andl nature to your own all-conquering right aruim a soil that steamns to heaven with fatness as from a Noachian. deluize, .ours is by legacy and inheritance the gathered Nvisdomn of' ages. the toil- relieving. product-enhancing invelitions of all of all ages and clillmes and peoPles. And vet, I behold Vol, lords of the earthl anld its increase. like Samnlson shorn of his invinciible locks. muiserable and imrpotenit. bound hand and foot with the despicable cord, an tili times of Philistine treachery andc outrage. Your farmis are inortgaged, your accounts are unsettletd. xour deposits are overdrawvin, your products are not in demand. You ship vast droves of cattle to (Chicago. and sick it heart von ( .-t up the reckoning, to filld, not how intich you have gain1ed,. but lIow iuneh you have lost. Natuire has spread out before you an aimple feast of t2ood things. but before you can lift the vianids to your rnouth. ho an obscene and raven!ous - ,) Tariff Reform Address of W. B. Smith. lock of harpies from the east have pounced down upon it and borne it away beyond the mountains to the sea-shore where they build their foul nests and gorge themselves with your plunder. What, then, I ask, is the desolating curse which now for half a generation has been settling down upon the fortunes of a populace whom earth and sea and sky, whom art and nature, whom grace of God and intellect of man had conspired and leagued and bound themselves by inviolable oath to make the very minions of prosperity and happi- ness What crushing burden, with the weight of twenty Atlantics, bows down your noble energies and prostrates the erect and God- like form of American manhood in the dust The answer is given in one word: It is that high-handed iniquity, that infamous hypoc- risy, that universal legalized robbery, vhich calls itself Protective Tariff. -NOTHING BUT THIiiEVEE'Y. A thief is seldom a respecter of persons. All gold and silver and precious stones are in his eyes striet!y orthodox, and. lie impartially stretches out his hand to all. But that saintly. that canonized. robber whose name is Protective tariff has a very tender partiality for you, my friends, the farmers. He robs me daily; the other day he levied on me a contribution of 5 in the purchase of a dress, and of about 7 in the purchase of an overcoat. There is not a inan, woman or ehild in the county whom he does not fleece continually and insati- ately. But you ag!iculturists are his especial pets. All others he holds with one hand and plunders with the other; the farmer alone he has knocked down and stunned and robs with both hands at his leisure. You ask how is this' The explanation is exceedingly simple. A protective tariff is a tax, the sole object of which is to raise the price of imported articles so as to enable the protected manufacturer to sell his products at a higher price than w-ould be possible in open free competition. The New Jersey manufacturer wishes to sell his silk at 51..-0 per yard, the Frenchman is content to get 1. Accordingly, to enable the New Jersey mnan to get his exorbitant.price, the tariff forbids any man to buy the Irenchnian's goods -except on pain of paving 50 cents per yard extra as what is called dutly. Some few will still buy the Frenehinans goods I myself will never buy an article made by a protected manufact urer as long as I can avoid it. I wvill never Patronize a thief though he be my brother, so long as I can buy from an honest stranger, but the majority vill buy of the New Jersey man and pay him the extra half dollar. I do not mince words, gentlenr; I call a spade a spadie. If a mlan does not like to be called a thir f, the p. eventive is eacap and ready,-let him stop thieving. 6 Tariff Refornt Address of W. B. Smith. WHAT THE TARIFF IS. The protective tariff is an open and outrageous violation of the laws of property. The money you have earned by the sweat of your brow is yours, and no non, nor set of men, no law nor government, has any right to say how you shall spend it. When the eastern manufacturer says to congress, forbid Mir. Jones to buy his silk- at 1 from the Frenchman, or make him pay 50 cents for doing it, so that I may make him pay me fl.50 for it. and when congress grants his request and Mr. J. is forced to pay 81.50 for what is worth only 1, then is he abridged most seriously in his rights of property, he is robbed of 50 cents and the eastern manufacturer is no less a thief because he has begged or most likely bought permission to steal, he is no less a robber because his robbery has been solemnly legalized. Of such robbery under the forms of law you are daily victims. The gigantic highwayman has a thousand eyes and a million fingers. Scarcelv ever do you open your pocket-book, to buy for self or child or wife, but he is there at your side and helps himself bountifully. Whether it be axe or hoe or mower or reaper, coat or hat, overcoat or undershirt, gloves or stockings, thread or buttons, salt or sugar, bed-stead or blanket, kitchen-ware or parlor-furniture, drugs or books, pens or paper, cradle or coffin. the omnipresent thief beholds you and plunders you wvith a smile and a pat on the shoulder. You open your purse to pay for something worth half a dollar in the open market of the world. "Thanks, awfully," says M3r. P. T., which being interpreted means Protective Tariff, and nabs up his quarter. You reach in to get a dollar, and he gobbles up the loose change to the amount of 40 cents. The laws which regulate this thievery are fearfully and wonderfully made, yea, they are past all finding out. Even their makers do not understand them , and often Mr. P. 'T'. him- self hesitates, being a very scrupulously moral man in his way, as to whether he ought to steal sixbits or only a quarter. In such cases, however, he always keeps on the safe side; he always takes the sixbits, for safe keeping, and then asks whether he did right or not. If the decision of the courts is against him, he refunds the half dollar. but always to one of his pets and supporters, never to the man from whom he stole it. Would you like an illustration' Well. here is a model one, a genuine beauty. Some years ago the question was raised as to whether certain imported hat trimmings ought to be taxed 50 per cent. or only 2(1 per cent. True it is that the just prin- ciples of interpretation of unjust laws require the lower tax to be imposed where there is any doubt, true it was in fact that the court had already decided the case against the higher tax. Nevertheless, the customs-collector was ordered to collect the 50 per cent. tax until the case could be carried through the courts up to the supreme 7 8 TAiff Reform Address of W. B. AS)jith. court. The high rate was imposed and was collected. The import- ers paid it, they added it to the price at which they sold the articles to the retail merchants, and these latter added it to the price which the consumer, which you, my friends, your wives and your smart daughters, paid for the articles. You then who hear me, you it was who finally paid this tax of .50 per cent. thus levied. The importers and the retail merchants recouped themselves completely, they were not out of pocket one nickel. But the importers knew the tax was illegal, they brought suit, which dragged its slow length along from term to term, and now within the last month a decision has been handed down from the supreme bench declaring that .50 per cent. rate illegal and commanding that the unlawful excess of 30 per cent. be refunded. But to whom To you, gentlemen. who paid both the legal and the illegal tax out of your hogs and wheat and cattle Nay, verily! The illegal 30 per cent. has been paid back, Mr. Tariff has disgorged three-fifths of his plunder. but it has been paid not to you, but to the importers. They charged you the extra price, you paid it, and now this, "the best government the sun shines upon," pays it back not to you but to them. And do you thin k it a small matter Well, the total amount paid back to the men who have no more right to it than the man in the moon, is rather more than less than 7,000,000. Your own share, the share of Mis- souri in this tax thus levied not only unjustly but also illegally, and then paid back to the wrong man, the amount legally due you, not one cent of which you will ever get, but which is gone forever within the fathomless pocket of our eastern masters, that amount is over 200,000. You grumble and fret because you are called on to give not 70.000 every two years to support a university, yet here in this insignificant matter of hat trimmings you allow yourselves to be robbed not only unjustly but illegally to the amount of 200,000, enough to support for six years your university, and what one of you has ever murmured Thus it is, gentlemen, that they catch you both going and coming. The very uncertainty ot the tariff laws is made to work you at every turn greater and greater injury. T1he tariff tax varies endlessly from article to article, it winds in and out like the slimy serpent that it is. but on the average It is not quite 30 per cent. For every 100 worth of manufactured articles which we buy, we have to pay not quite 5;;0 extra price to feed the eastern harpies. But some one may think that this tax is mainly on articles of luxury, on silkss and satins, diamonds and rubies, the countless adornments of table and person, the infinite caprices of fashion. You could not make a greater blunder. It is exactly these goods, demanded only bv the rich, that are taxed the le-ast. And the reason for the discrimination is an excellent one. The tariff is a money- making scheme of the rich against the poor and the merely well-to-do. 8 Ta rift' Refori Addr IedsN o) f 11'. B. afn ithi. It would not be possible to carry out this villiany on any great scale against the wealthv,-why, my dear friends, it is almost as impessible to tax a rich man as it is to hang him orto send him to the penitentiary. Strong with the strength both of brass and of gold, be breaks through the meshes of your laws like a lion through a cobweb. Mlen who are known to have personal property by the millions pay taxes only on a few thousands. Our tariff laws are made by the rich who thor- oughly understand that to tax the luxuries very heavily wvould in the first place be suicidal and in the second place impracticable. Suicidal because they themselves would then have to pay the tariff taxes, and impracticable because they would not do it. Such luxu- ries may be easily smuggled. The very men who clanior for heavy duties on 'the necessaries of life laugh over their wine culrs at the way they tipped the custom-house oflicers, and smuggled into port their thousands, escaping the light duty. Besides, it is after all the article of common consumption, the article used by the million, which by its enormous quantity is most profitable to the maker and above all to the tax collector. Accordingly, look over the tariff schedule as it now is, arid you will find that the lower grades of articles are almost uniformly taxed the highest, often two or three times as high as the rarer and superior grades; while the clamor now raised at Washington is almost wholly for increase of duties on necessaries. Wdith outrageous hypocrisy they offer to consent to a considerable reduction on high grades and luxuries, if you will only grant them a moderate increase on the low grades and neces- saries' While thus the total average of tariff tax is not quite 50 per cent., the average tax for you and me, on the indispensable articles of every day consumption. is close to or above I 0 per cent. sMITrES THIE FARNIERS. Thus far, gentlemen, I have spoken of the tariff so far as it is no respecter of persons, as it robs men of all trades, but especially the poor and middle classes, nearly alike. You, however, the farmers, it smites with a two-edged sword. Not only does it increase by 50 per cent. the price of what you have to buy, but it decreases the price of what you have to sell. It is this last most unkindest cut of all, which will vet rouse you from your slumber and open your eves to the prodigious wrongs of which you have been made the year-long victims. very striking and peculiar were the arguments by which the protective tariff was introduced to the favor and hospitalities of our working population. It was not denied that he had a trick of pilfering, but it was solemnly and earnestly insisted that he meant no harm by it, that he was perfectly good-natured and innocent-minded, that it was in fact just a little way he had, which looked queer at first, perhaps, 9 10 TariW Reform Address of =. P. Smith. 'but yet could not possibly hurt any body, for, it was said, he steals From all alike and he keeps none of it himself. True, he filches from A, but he gives it to B; he filches from B, but he gives it to C, and so on through the whole alphabet; when he gets to Z, he will steal from him to put into A's pocket. The effect of this, it was said, can only be to stimulate business, to revive trade, by keeping the money in circulation! Nay more, it was loudly pro- claimed that such was his unrivaled skill in thieving that he could actually make all men rich by universal robbery. By some match- le3s legerdemain, some inimitable slight of hand, he would literally steal into each man's pocket continually more than he stole out. Thus the original compact of protection was an agreement for mutual help by mutual robbery. The farmer was to pay an extra price for all his manufactured articles, in the first place, and then he was to sell all his own products tor an extra price also. And since each farmer and manufacturer in this way would steal from the other a little more than the other stole from him, it was held to be plain on its very face that both would grow rich rapidly, each off of the other; and having thus seen and tasted the delights of such innocent roguery, thev would both be willing and eager to take in the dav-laborer and the salaried man as partners in their little game. Why not The more the merrier, and from this three- handed cut-throat euchre they would all arise wise, wealthy, con- tented and religious. This, and neither more nor less than this, is the doctrine of the home-market, which has been preached so lustily for nearly 30 years, which has almost hopelessly entangled our people in its net of sophistry, and which has brought our farm- ing interests to their present deplorable condition. Ah, gentlemen, the old Greek was right who said 2300 years ago: "Too ready are the minds of mortal men to prefer a guileful gain to righteousness, howbeit thev travel ever to a stern reckoning." The home-market argument is the grossest and most palpable logical fallacy: it is worse than that, it is glaring fraud and swindle. But a fallacy, a sophism, which a child could detect if presented boldly in a single sentence, may deceive a whole nation, a whole continent, if diluted and dealt out in homeopathic doses through a whole volume. So, too, a transaction which by itself can by no possibility benefit anybody, it is maintained may enrich a nation, if repeated a billion times from ocean to ocean in all departments of business. The home-market argument affirms this and nothing more nor less than this, that a man may get rich by paying another to buy from him. You are asked to pay the manufacturer an extra price, an enormous extra price, for his product-to what end, for what purpose To enable him to pay you an extra price for your products! That is what I call paving a man to get him to buy from you. If it is Tariff Reform Addre.ss of W. B. Smhith. anything more, if any device of human ingenuity can ever make it anything more, then have 1 studied logic and taught logic in vain. In a single transaction between man and man, the utter absurdity ,of the thing stares us in the face; and yet when multiplied a million fold and doubled and twisted into a thousand tangles it is called economic wisdom and the American ideaul In the light of such nonsense that man was a true son of genius who bought his articles for a dollar and sold them for 90 cents apiece. "lBut how can you keep up at that rate" asked a puzzled acquaintance. "Whv, my dear sir" he riplied, "it is the, simplest thing in the world; you see I sell so maany of them." A ONE-SIDED CONTRACT. But if the homue-iuarlet argument is nothing but theoretic tomfoolery, practicallY it has proved far wvorse. At the very l)est it is silly and childish to pay out S1 extra. in order to get back 1 extra in return. But what if you don't get it back W What if the other fellow, after selling to y ou and getting your dollar, forgets to buy- front you in return or fails to keep his agreement to pay you back the extra dollar You know these Eastern men are verv busv. and it is not strange that such trilling Matters should often escape their memories Don't you know that their brains are already overburdened, that they are in daily need of tonics and nervines, and that sooner or later nearly all die of nervous pros- tration Besides all this, they are very religious, God-fearing men) and it is very likely that they may think you don't need the extra dollar, or fear you might spend it foolishly and are persuaded that they can employ it far more usefully for humanity by building a church, or giving a picnic to a Sunday school, or buying red waist- coats for the poor heathen. Still again, what if you produce more than your Eastern friend can conveniently use, however aecom- modating he may be, what if the market should become glutted, and there should be a cut in prices In that case, it seems to me, you mighet have to whistle for your money. Now thIs is pre- cisely what has happen.ed. The western farmer has faithfully kept his part of the contract. Ile has paid the extra price. the average excess of 50 per cent. over the world-market value, paid it by nickels, by dimles, by- dollars, occasionally by fives and twenties, p tid it exactly paid it in advance, paid it withoLut complaint or default or discount. Perhaps no great credit is due hinm for this fidelity, as under existing laws he could hardly avoid it,-he has made a virtue of necessity. But the Eastern friend has not kept his part of the contract -whether in a tit of absent-mindedness, or in his anxious care for the well-being of his factory hands, or in his consuming zeal for th, conversion and civilization of central 11 112 Teft- kefor A4Wrss t)/ W. B. Smith. Africa. lie has forgotten all about the extra price he intended to pay his western customer, he finds the cities ghitted with the pro- ducts of farm and dairv. and1 he goes round "bearing" the markets, and buving wherever and whenever he can at the lowest rate by anv means obtainable. Far be it from me to hint that he is acting wrong in the matter. I know he is a good man and cannot possibly mean anv harm bv it. Ile is the farmers' friend true and trusty. But a wise mnan once exclaimed "Save me from miy friends, and I can take care of nmv enemies." WNhere now are you to seek salva- tion ' What. I repeat it, what wvill you do to be saved Will you double .your products, raise more corn and wheat, increase the size of your hogs. enlarge the nulmbIl)er of your cattle Why, your barns are already bursting with plenty, your cattle and sheep and hogs alreadv- crowd the stock-yards. T he trouble with you is not under- prodliction nut over-production: you produce enough and nmore than enough and more than enough; for that very reason you can get nothing for it. As a defect in supply of 10 per cent. will raise the price 30 percent. so an excess of 10 per cent. will reduce the price by 30. You can never relieve a glut of products by more production, as weli try to empty a pint cup by pouring in more water. The manufacturers are wiser. They relieve the congestion in products and prices by forming a trust, calculating carefully the probable demand, setting to work enough uills to meet that demand at paying prices, shutting down the others and discharging the work- men. But the farmer can hardly proceed similarly. Hle must cast his bread every vear upon the waters. The fate of his crop is not in his own hands but is at the merec of the elements. the wind, the rain. the frost, tne sun. the lightning and thunder When he sows 100 acres in wheat he knows not whether he shall reap 3.0NO bushels, or turn it under and plant it in corn. True it is, then, that to increase his production can bring hirm no relief but rather aggravate his distress; but it is equallv true that to attempt to restrict his production would be rashly to court disaster. What then Is there no hope in anyl quarter TH:E NAY ouT. To nuv eves there is but one visible. If you cannot sell your produce at hoinue you innst try to sell it a broad. The earth is large. After all we are but a small fraction of its population, even of that wvhichl is civilized. In capacity and faculty for agricultural pro- duction we easily lead the world at present, and it is impossible to see what other people can ever hope to outstrip us. 'The Mississippi valley is manifestly by nature andI destiny the granary of the globe, and if we forfeit this destiny it will be our own failt solely. Europe, South America, and even Asia, the planet itself lies before us as our wvilling, natural and reasonable customer. Why, then, do we iqnft. R(l;-orm Afldds( s of/ Il. I,. Smtithl. 1:3 not enter in and take eternal possession of the food-mnarkets of the world The answe.- glares at you, gentlemen, from the records of congress. it glares at you from every table of prices current, it shrieks at von from the daily press, through the census statistics, through the reports of foreign commerce. We have voluntaril- thrown awav the market of the world for the so-called home-nmarket, for something we already had, and which no earthly power could take away from us. We have been like unto the greedv dog cross- ing a bridge, with a bone in his mouth. Grasping at the shadow, he lost the substance. Our European and South Armerican neighbors are willing and eager to trade with us. But we will not let them. We have built up all around us a Chinese wall of protective tariff. We fine heavily, to the average extent of nearly 5) per cent of the amount of the.transaction, every impudent foreigner who offers to trade with us, who ofters us superior goods at one-half the ostensi- ble cost of our own production. What infinite nonsense' In the name of common sense, gentlemen, how can we expect the Gentiles to trade with us unless we trade with them Does it not take two to make a bargain How can the rich man expect the poor man to pay except in labor Not even the richest nation on the globe can pay for its purchases in coin, it must pay for them in the daily and yearly products of its industries. lVhy, a single year's buying and paying in coin, without selling anything in return. would bank- rupt the most opulent of nations. The law is as fixed, universal and immutable as the decrees of God: Ile who 'would sell must buy. In high-flown pride of the glorious possession of half a con- tinent, in boundless conceit of our vast resources, our A-inglo-Saxon manhood, our energy and ability and industrv, the princely heritage of ages of civilization and freedomn but still more in our insatiable greed of unreasonable and unatural gains, we have fondly fancied that the nations would keep buying from us after we had quit buying from them, that they- would be so eager for our commodities as not only to pay double price, but also, when they could no longer sell in exchange to us, to ernut- into our overflowing treasury all the coin in their coffers. Thank heaven, we are at last startledfrom this dream of avarice and vanity. We have kicked against the great high altar ofjtustice, we have scorned andc violated openly and insolently the God-ordained laws of society and national inter- course. Deeming ourselves the very elect and anointed sons of God, we have forgotten the scene on the temple, wve have hearkened to the voice of the temlpter whispering in the car of our v lnity, we have precipitated ourselves from the pinnacle of prosperity and commercial supremacy, trusting that angels would keel) charge of us and would bear us up, lest we be dashed against the rocks of financial disaster. Ah gentlemen' that was a dreadful mistake! 14 Tariff Reforin -Addrers of W. B. Smith. Our internal commerce is indeed vast, but it vields no adequate return to the final producer. Our foreign commerce is prostrate. We cry out daily in the market-places, our voices are heard on the streets, but not heeded. We, the chosen people, offer our wares for sale, but the Gentiles wag their heads and pass by. England buys her wheat in Russia and India, the growing thriving republics of South America transact the great bulk of their trade with England. There is a like tale to tell with respect to all the other nations. Germany cannot sell us her products of art and s ience, her books and instruments of precision, for we stujpidly refuse to let our people buy such things, except under the penalty of a fine reckoned as at least 25 per cent on the cost price. I myself must have such'Itlhings, they are tools of my craft, and I have them sent to me directly from Germany. But what does the government do Ask Col. Ilodge, ask Mr. Elkins, our post-masters. They will tell you that the government promptly fined me, and that they had to retain the books until I appeared at the window. like : criminal at the bar of judgment, and paid that fine to the last farthing. Is that true, Col. Hodge if he he present. And what was my offense, that I was thus arrested and muleted like a common malefactor Will some one plead in extenuation of the robbery that the government needs the money By no means! The gov- ernment has already milliors more than it can honestly spend. and is tearing its very hair out in frantic efforts to get rid of the surplus- No gentlemen. my sole offense was that I preferred a good book made in Berlin to a bad one made in Boston; or sometimes that I needed and bought a book published in Germany on a subject not treated in anv American book whatever. But "the Gods are just and of our pleasant vices make whips to scourge us." A TWO HANDED) GAME. If we will not buy from Germany. neither will nor can Germany buy from) us. It is a game two can play at, and now the Germanm shuts out our wheat and lard and bacon, and the price of these- farm products falls in our markets below the level of remunerative production. Summoned suddenly rnd unexpectedly to address you, I have had no time to collate statistics and prepare them for presentation, though such statistics, fully confirming every statement here made, are in the air all around us, flying abroad on the sheets of our papers, thick as flakes in a snow-storm. One illustration, however, I have at hand, which is to clear-cut and striking to be passed over unmentioned, It is that of the silk industry, Although self-repeti- tion or self-quotation is my pet aversion, yet you will allow me te read a short extract from a lecture delivered here before the law, Tarifi Refform A4dres of 11'. B. mnith. classes just two years ago on "Tariff for Protection." (IHere the speaker read an exhibition of the silk industry, showing it to be not a producing but a consuming industry, inflicting a loss yearly on the people of' S13.000,000, greater by S2,000,000 than the whole stun (9,000,000) paid in wages to the workmen, increased by 10 per cent- interest (1,900,000) on the capital invested; so that it would have been a gain of 2,0010.O09 yearly to the consumers of silk to have burned down the factories, paid the owners 10 per cent on the cap- ital thus destroyed. paid the vorkmen full wages for doing nothing, supporting them in elegant leisure. T'he loss was inflicted in the extra price paid for the American silk over the French silk. Th'fb people paid the manlfactuirers a bonus of S2.000,000 for making silk. dear! But this was onlv one side of the injury. As we bought so much less fromn the French, they were forced to buy so much less from us. Not only was the price of silk put up. but the price of wheat, hogs, sheep and cattle was put down through the decreased foreign demand, The rule of the tariff was an excellent one for the. farmer! It worked both ways for his ruin ! ) TrIlE FAR.MER IS THE SUGAR PLUM. Now you see, gentlemen. why it is that I pronounce the agricul- turist to be the especial sugar plmns of Mr. Protective Tariff. Abh gentlemen, he delights in you with a cannibal affiection passing the' love of women. le reminds me of the pious ejaculation of the Feejee Islander: "Good. fat missionary! Me love him! " By the operation of our ingenious tariff laws, the prices of what you have to buy are raised on the average say of per cent.; by the operation. of these same devices of the devil, the prices of whbat you have to, sell are lowered in like measure. Others, it is true, are not per- mitted to lbuv at cheap rates, but you alone are not allowed to sell at. high ones. Thus it is, gentlemen, that they catch you both going and coming, They knock you down and then kick you for falling Between the upper and the nether millstones of high rates for what. you buy and low rates for what you sell, calmnly and taercilessk'y' they are pulverizing you into the common dtist of slavery andf poverty. Surely, gentlemen, these are the veritab)le mills of the, gods, of which that sage old Greek, Phillostratus, sang 2,000 years ago: 'The mills of the gods grind slowly, But they grind exceeding small: Though with patience stand ye waiting, With exactness grind they all. I suppose there is not one present who is not keenly and pain- fully conscious of the steady decline of agriculture in the matter not of product, but of profit; but if anyone should doubt it, let him look 16 Tariff Riform Addresl s ojf I. B. ASmwithii. at this map of the abandoned farms in New England; let him read the partial statistics of the mortgage indebtedness of our western farmers, statistics which the interested parties are calling for, in their entirety, but which the appointed chief of census refuses to take, which he is afraid to prepare and publish, because they would show the disastrous working of the tariff iniquity. that tariff which he is pledged to maintain and in whose interests he was called to his present position, where many believe he will prove himself to be a most expert doctor of statistics. But some one will protest and say that the prices of manu- factured articles have fallen under the protective system. Un- doubtedly! No power on earth could have upheld them in the face of the increasing mastery.of man over nature and the increasing productiveness of human labor armed with the million-fold might of steam and electricity and the accumulated wisdom of all ages. But the fact remains unimpeached and unimpeachable, that altho the prices of manufactures have been steadily falling for the last half generation, yet have they been all along kept at a much higher price in the United States than in England and in other countries open to her commerce. In fact, it is the sole and exclusive design of a protective tariff to raise the price in the world-market, so that the home manufacturer may be able to compete at high prices with the foreigner at low prices. The protective tariff has no other ground of being whatever; if it does not do this it does absolutely nothing, it is a dead letter. Doubtless there are on our statute books some such dead letters, and these few and insignificant examples the friends of Mr. P. T. are apt to quote in argument. So, too, gentlemen, on every organism there are dead and dying tissues, but the serpent is not dead because he casts off his skin at springtide; the tree is not dead because it sheds its leaves and shakes down a few sapless switches. It is not the insignificant dry and withered twigs on the Upas-tree of protection that we complain of, it is the massive trunk, with its broad and towering branches, thick with dank and poisonous foliage, which every year shoots wider and higher its death-dealing arms and casts over all your fair possessions the deepening shadow of death. This is the bane- ful and vigorous growth at whose root you must lay the axe of utter extirpation. But to return, in the lecture already quoted I have proved and proved beyond controversy by an exhaustive analysis of the movement of the whole body of prices through ten years, that the effect of the tariff has been not only to keep up the price for us above the price in the world-market, but also to retard greatly the natural and inevitable absolute fall in prices. And now to show you in a single expressive instance the unim- peachable fact of the continued existence of this extra price and Tariff Reforn Addres.s of W1 B. Anlitlh. to show further what an enornious loss, what an irremovable burden, it has entailed on you and all your descendants, in the mere construction of railways, let me read you this table of prices 6f rails in England and in America. (Here followed a table of prices per ton of rails in England and in the U. S. from '71 to 'S3. By simple multiplication and addition it was shown that the total extra price paid for rails in these 13 years was in round numbers 200,000,000; the yearly interest on this enormous suim, anywhere from 10 to 20 millions of dollars, our people are paying, have paid and lutist keep on paying to the -last syllable of recorded tinme" -paying silentiy, paving unconsciously, paving uninteraiittently in overcharges on freight and passenger transportation. The table is appended and enlarged in the supplement. The speaker then continue(d:) I might spend all day in reading you such illustrations. Biut one is a dose. You may judge of the dimensions of the giant from the size of his foot. THIE BOND O' INIQUITY. Sueh then, gentlemen, is the gall of bitterness and the i)ond of iniquity in which you now tin(l yourselves. How shall you escape Bv subsidies to shiplines Such is the reinedy of Mr. Blaine. It is a homeopathic prescription. Like cures like. say some physitians. 'lhe farmer is overwhelmed with indirect tax- ation, his very blood is drained from his famished veins, to siljpIort men in losing businesses, to turn noni-paying industries into paying ones. How shall we cure him Why, says chief-sargeon Mr. 1.. bleed him somie more, give himn miore taxation, make him sulpport another crew of parasites, of men imaking enormo us protits in what they insist is a losing business. 'T'he speaker then glanced rapidlv at the other nostrituas cried up by political quacks. One was a bountv for wheat exported in American b)ottoins! It was the old story of how not to (lo it! The cloven hoof was shown in the restriction to American shi)s. It was a cunning device to fasten on the people, especially the farmer, another losing buisiness, and make himn sul)l)ort it. It would be but a repetition of the colossal follies of France, Russia and Gerinan, in encouraging by bounties (or (lrawbacks) the beet-sugar indlustry-follies in whose unecanny presence the states- men and economists of those countries now stand hopeles.-!- perplexed and non-plussed; follies' which have indeed enriched a few manufacturers but have only aggravated the distress of the masses; follies which have benerited England and England onlyv, where sngar is sold for half its priee in the countries of its moan- ufacture, where new indui-stries have been born from its unnatural 17 18 Tarifff Reform Ad4drecs of I'. B. Smnith. cheapness, where the rate of consumption of sugar per head is much the highest on our planet. The situation might be summed up in a single sentence: France, Russia. Germany have the i:zdustries,-England has the sugar; they make it, she eats it. AN UNCEASING WARFARE. In conclusion, there were manv ways to beat the bush, but onIy one wav to start the hare. The head and front of moral and eommiercial offending was the protective tariff; that must be crushed. TIhe speaker disclaimed all thought of miaking a political narangue. he was not a partisan democrat but an independent, a mugwump, if you please, acting with the democratic party. To that party were now committed the sacredest and supremest moral and Xommercial interests of the whole people. After years of blind Wandering it had at last found an idea and also a leader. That idea was tariff reform. that leader was Grover Cleveland. He alone o f American politicians represented the people. These had no spokesman in Congress. Wool had its spokesman there, and silver its champion,-ves. iron, silk. pork and beans, hides and leather, lish and fowl, tobacco and whiskey, all these material interests had active and able representatives: but for the people there was no speech, no language, their voice was unheard.-For himself, the speaker, the tariff was not a party. not a political, not even merely or mainlv an economical, but above all a moral, question. The present protective tariff was a commercial folly, a political hypoc- risy, a legal iniquity, a social outrage, a moral crime, and he would omit no opportunity in sickness and in health, to wage against it uncompromising warfare, and with all the armorv of body and soul and spirit. SUPPLEMENT. In the pamphlet fTarlsff O'i /,Poection,' published in the spring of lISS all the arguments b wvhich protection authorities recommiinend their svstem to the 'voter, or seek to vindicate it before the tribunal of Reason and Economic Science, have been passed in review and clearly exposed as. at best, ingenious fallacies. The discussion there, moreover, is by no means confined to confutation, but the absurdity of the Protective Tariff is deduced from the axioms of economics and the principles of common sense, while at the same time its disastrous influence, eslecially upon the MIssissippi Valley, is proved, explained, and exemplified. The discussions of the last two years have added little to the proofs and disproofs there gathered together, and it is believed that the pamphlet in question still contains all that is necessarv to the formation of a correct and intelligent judgment upon the subject. Nevertheless, no cat has so maanv lives as a Pennsylvania sophism; no Proteus, no chameleon can change form and color so rapidly. In the worn-out, cast-off' arguments of the British Protectionist, his American brother parades and poses himself with all the pride and self-complacence of the plantation hand in the faded garments of his master. He really seems to think the suit is brand splinter new, because it has been freshly furbished up and put on again. It may indeed be troublesome to keep on cutting off the heads of the Hydra, knowing that they will surely sprout up anew, but the supreme moment of the interest at stake lightens the 'toil. Let us. then, see what the most recent and able defenders of protection, such as Messrs. Reed, Blaine, M1orrill, McKinley, have to say for their client. A. T1IE ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. In his reply to Mr. Gladstone, Secretary Blaine appeals confi- dently to history as justifying the existing Protective Tariflf He is willing to grant that Free Trade may be a good thing for Great Britain, but our experience, he holds, shows it not to be good for us, the United States. He does not defend Protection as an idea justifiable in itself, as a Scientific system, but merely as an experi- 20 Tariff Reform Address of IL. B. Smlith. ment that has worked well with us, and he concedes that free unrestricted trade among nations is the one finally desirable, if at present unattainable, state of affairs. Mr. B. appeals his case to history. To history let it go. But of the facs of history, no person can get even an inkling from his argument. What are they, then The first twentv years of our national existence, from 1789 to IS0N, were years of practically free trade and of rapid and natural growth. Imports rose by unequal but steady steps from 29,200,000 in 1791 to 138,.W0,000 in 1807; the average for three years, 1791-93. was 30,600,000; for three years, 1805-07, it was 129,300,000-an increase of nearly 330 per cent. Our exports rose frola 19.000,000 to l0(s,3U010- 000. The average for 1791-93 was 21,909,000; for 1S05-07 it was 101,,Z0 0()()-aan increase of nearly 365 per cent. Surely there was never a more consistent and gratifving exhibit of prosperity. True, our principal occupations were commerce and agriculture; there was little manufacturing on a large scale, though artisans of all kinds, such as carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, millers, abounded and plied their trades at very remunerative rates. Il ,e; s .. erm' euwz hig-her than in Europe, as was quite natural and even necessary in a new country where the demand for labor weas great and where the countless new avenues and openings for its employment rendered it exceptionally productive. The only reason why our people engaged little in manufacturing but mainly in agriculture and the carrying trade was a perfectly good and all-sufticient one-Melt cou/d i:,mke HIere llzomet /1 so doist. They saw what was manifest,-that it was foolish to make for yourself what somebody else would make for you for less money than your own time and labor were worth. They were perfectly willing for the English or anybody else to ruin them liv selling them goods for less than the cost of their own production. -Why don't you make your own domestic and broadcloth - might have been asked then as well as now. The answer was then as it might be now. "' Because we can't afford it; we have somle- thing better to do. You might as well ask us why we don't prefer to make -I rather than 2." The astonishing growth in both trade and wealth indicated bv the enormous rise in both exports and imports-a rise which, continued up to the present, would have swollen the amount to the inconceivable sum of 35000 millions'- whereas the actual figure is only about 900 millions, one fortieth!-this astounding prosperity isa complete vindication of the plain teachings of common sense-that the right thing for any man to do is that which he can do best, most profitably to himself and his fellows. It is not only greedv but it is also foolish to grudge another the business of working for you at a lower rate than yOU can work for yourself, to abandon yourself a good employment in Tarift Reform Addrexs of 1W. B. AS'm ithi. order to drive him out of a bad one. It is like a dog that drops a goodl piece of meat, to deprive another dog of a bone! Such is the record of low tariff, or none, up to 1i0s. It was no fault of the wise patriots who guided the early destinies of the republic that this policy wvas not continued. But Europe was in the agony of the Napoleonic struggle. On the 21st of October, 1805, "the greatest sailor since the world began," Lord Nelson. having held Admiral Villeneuve for two years blockaded in Toulon, and having afterwards chased him back and forth across the Atlantic, at length forced him to battle'off Cape Trafalgar and there well nigh anllnihilated the F'ranco-Spanish Ileet collected for the invasion of England. And nowv absolute mistress of the seas, England declared the wvhole coast of Europe from Brest to the Elbe,-800) miles-block- adled. Napoleon replied l)y the decree of Berlin, wvhich professed to blockade all England By a second Order in Council. inl 1807, Britain forbade America to trade w-here her own flag was shut out, and summanoned all our traders. except with Sweden. to touch England and pay duties N Napoleon hurled back the l"1Milan decree'l. declar- ing any ship a lawful prize which submittedfto British search-but with his navv at the bottom of the sea, this was thunder without lightning. Of course the United States felt uncomfortable, thus placed Between the two edges of the Franco-English scissors. But how escape Among many absurd expedients proposed, the albsurdest vas adopted, namelv, to B Britain into good behavior by an eal forbidding commerce generally, which wvas after- wards (1;09) softened into a iion-inlereotrs- a,-!, which shut the doors onlv oa En-land, France and their dependencies. Then followed the war of 181 2-1S14. Of course imports and exports fell at once, the former to Si57.000.000. the latter to S22,400,(00, and strictly domestic exports from 1 49,000,01)i to ;' 9,0,000. Cut off from trade with Europe. we were forced to manufacture at home. Cotton and woolen factories, as well as furnaees, sprang tup onl all. sides, the whole eastern shore resounded with the roar of loomis and spindles and forges. 'The number of cotton spindles sprang from SOEK0 in 1s07 to 31l,0()0 in 1809. and 7._0(0) in LR91 Manufactures of wool and iron felt a similar stiaulus, tho concerning thein such exact data are not at hand. The output in wvoolens rose from 4,00,000) in 1810 to S19,000.010 in 1,'l5. But the crisis caine. The "loud sabbath" of Waterloo 'shook the spoiler down ` Bonaparte was exiled to St. Ielena, and peace returned to Europe. The restrictions on trade were abolishedl, and tile long dammed-up streams of trans-Atlantic commerce began once more to flow in their accustomed channels. Imports fromn Europe began to pour in upon America as formerly. The effect upon the vast mush- 21 22 Tariff Reform Address of W. B. Smith. room growth of our factories was natural and inevitable. "Badly equipped and loosely managed," many of them became seriously embarrassed and called loudly upon Congress for help. That they needed help was certain, that they deserved it is questionable. Then, as now, the manufacturers as a body clamored for high specific duties. They knew that, with rapid improvement in processes of manufacture, the price of the product must rapidly fall, and that a fixed specific duty would just as rapidly rise in its protective power. Thus, a duty of 3 cents would only be 20 per cent. while the price was 25 cents, but as the price fell to 20, 15. 10 cents. the duty would rise to 25, 33k, .0 per cent. The greatest of the manufacturers, Francis C. Lowell, inventor of the Lowell power-loom. after whom Lowell, 3Mass., was named, did not endorse the high protective views of his New England friends, but was content wsith a duty of 25 per cent., with a minimum specific uduty of (;- cents per va:(d. This was granted by congress in 181X, to last for ' years only, then to be reduced to 20 per cent. But the panic was not averted. The year IS1--a year of wild land-speculation-was the (lark hour just before the dawn of the new-day of modern industrial civilization. The protected interests were unwilling to yield in any measure their hold upon the people. They now began the cry for ' more' more" which they have kept on shouting ever since. In Ii8 the date of reduction to 20 per cent. was extended to 182(3. and the duties on iron raised; in 1820 they nearly passed a high protective tariff, failing by one vote in the senate; the appetite grew by what it fed on. and in 1828 an extreme protective measure was passed. which was main- tained in its essential features till toward the close of the decade '30-'40. Such then was the origin of American manufactures and of the American Tariff system, so-called.--in its original intention a mere temporary make-shift. We perceive the former to be a child born out of due time, sprung from the political struggle between Great Britain and Napoleon. We were riding the very crest of the wave of prosperity, under practical free trade. when the Embargo-a game of bluff-at one blow prostrated our commerce and forcibly turned our energies to manufactures, from natural into artiticial channnels. The time had not come for the natural birth of manufacture9, which would almost certainly have followed in a few years, in the wake of increasing population and rapidly accumulating wealth of a people singularly energetic, inventive and remarkable for meehan- ical ingenuity. The commercial shock given by the Embargo and Non-Intercourse acts, hastened forward this birth and made it untimely, W'hen the natural conditions were restored in ISIS-1G, we were found as ith a tender, premature and artificial body of man- ufacturinig industries on hand-hot-house plants not hardv or able Tariff Reform Address of TV. B. Smith. to flourish in the open air. Tfhey cried out for a little protection- until they could grow strong enough to stand ordinary weather. Very naturally their cry was heard,and they were protected by a moderate duty. It is a vain because unanswerable question, yet not an idle one, whether even this protection was wisely given. It cer- tainly saved the manufactureTs, as a body, from acute suffering, some of the less deserving, from ruin. But it did so by diffusing a milder hardship over the whole people. The Scripture doctrine of one bearing the offenses of many was precisely reversed, and the many were made to bear the punishment of the few. The effort to escape sharp pain in any part of the organism is perfectly natural both in the individual and in the state ; but is it always judicious By no means! The man who takes morphine for every headache, chloroform for toothache, and a heavy dram whenever he -feels bad," may indeed escape great discomfort, but no physician will account him wise or recommend him to a Life Insurance coml)any. My opinion is that the relief of 1S16, while very natural and appar- ently just and proper, would in reality have been much better with- held. The "badly equipped and loosely managed" factories should have been allowed to perish; their owners would have been neither the first nor the last men to fail in business and then start again. The "fittest" would have survived, and tho growth of man- ufactures, tho not so rapid, would henceforth have been natural, healthy, continuous, and unsustained by any artificial nutriment drawn from the whole people. The precedent set in 1816 was a fatal one. The protection given acted like every other temporary stimu- lant. Not only did it fail to avert the panic and depression of 1819, but it inflamed the desire and sharpened the appetite for more. so that from that (lay to this the manufacturers have been besieging the halls of Congress and imploring that body to make the whole people contribute to the support of a special class. Then, in their hour of real need, they begged only for 25 per cent. for 3 years; now, grown strong and vigorous and enormously rich, they demand in many cases 100 per cent. and for all eternity! But even granted, what is so very uncertain and even improbable, that this moderate protection was wisely and justly given to feeble infant industries, is it not the height of logical impertinence to base hereon an argument for a continuance of double this protection to industries strong in the strength of SO years, rich and prosperous beyond measure Because we swaddle in the softest textures the premature infant, must we coddle, with twice the care and tenderness, the full-grown hardy and lusty adult The proposition is ridiculous; the cases are in no sense connected, and no logical movement from the one to the other is possible. One further remark and we leave this first period in the history of protection. The plea of temporary support to 23 24 Tariff Rifornt Awldress .( I4 . R . Smith. young industries was the stock in trade of the advocates of the tariff. Wages were then much higher in the States than in Europe, but no one thought of that as a disadvantage to the manufacturer, no one called for a tariff to keep up wages-which would have been too ridiculous, since the high wages were present before the tariff. On the contrary, this high wage-rate was urged as a condition fit.or- abde to the manufacturer, a condition which we should take advan- tage of in the establishment of factories. Thus says the great man- ufacturer, Shepherd, of Northampton, about 1828: "The /hzi1 prices we pay for labor, are, in mny opinion, &t ,ne/icial to the American manufacturer, as for those we get a much better selection of hands, and those capable and willing to perform a much greater amount of labor in a given time. The American nmanufacturer also uses a larger share of labor-saving machinery thanathe English." Exactly the opposite of this is the staple argument of the modern protec- tioliist' Early Taiifl Legislation culminated in the act of 1828. The average rate on total imports in 1829 was 37 per cent., and on dutiable imports -4 per cent.-still considerably below present rates. In 1S32 the Compromise act (of Clay) began to scale all excesses over 20 per cent. down by 10 per cent. each year, so as to bring all down to 20 per cent. by 1843. 1 by no means hold this to be a good method of reducing the Tariff, but the pretension of MNr. Blaine, that it worked disaster and brought on the panic of 1837, is utterlv idle and without the narrowest basis in historical fact. It is indeed preposterous on its very face. Consider but for one moment. When the crash of 1837 came with the suddenness of an earthquake, the country was in an apparently highly prosperous condition. There had been no premonitory synmptoms of the impending ruin, at least none which were intelligible. As to the Tariff, it was still very high, exceedingly high for any other civilized country. The reduction during the four preceding years had been about 5 per cent. yearly, about 20 per cent. in all and there remained in force a tax of about :34 per cent. or 3.5 per cent., a tax higher than was ever known in our historv before 18.5, nearly as high as in ]829. No sign of the approaching calamity was given even in 1836,-a year of seemingly great financial thriving-so that the contention of the Protectionist champion is reduced to this: that the reduction of about 5 per cent. ( 10 per cent. of the excess over 20 per cent.) in 1837 caused an unprecedented commercial panic! Suppose it did- could there be any sharper condemnation of protective Tariff Is trade, is industry in robust health when such a slight change of conditions can prostrate it- What shall we say of a stimulant which inusl be taken regularly, when the least diminution of the daily dose throws the patient into a swoon, a spasm, a convulsion Tariff Reform Address of IV. B. Smith. - Surely a wise physician would hesitate to prescribe such an exhil- arant. and would rather strive to deliver the patient from such wretched slavery as soon as possible. If we grant, then, the claim of M1r. B.. we must unqualifiedly reject Protection; for that is a fatally diseased condition of the commercial organism, in which a remission of 5 per cent., or even 20 per eent.. of import duties smites a whole nation with financial paralysis. No, MNr. Secretary. Protection is indeed unnatural and unwholesome, like all artifieial excitants, but not in the degree you unconsciously maintain: it does make commerce and industrv morbidly nervous and sensitive, but not quite so hysterical as you would have us believe : it is bad enough, Heaven knows, but not so bad as you, its indiscreet confessor, oull make it appear. Tariff. in fact, neither high nor low, had anything more to do with the panic in question than did the eccentricity of the orbit of Jupiter. 'rhe causes of such disas- ters are sometimes obscure and hard to trace out. but in this case they lie singularly plain and open to view. Like nearlv all sudden collapses of credit, this followed close upon a period of great real but far greater apparent prosperity, which had run into extravagant greed, wanton waste, and reckless speculation. Such was the lustrum from 18:31 to iS3O. A "boom," a colossal one. had struck the country. Not merely a tide but a genuine freshet of immigration was pouring into the great Mississippi valley. The railroad, dating from 1830, by quickening travel, quickened the whole pulse of corm- inercial life. Cities now began to be born in a day. The sales of public land sprang suddenly to `3,'000,000 in '31, 4,000.000 in '33, S5.000,000 in '34, 1.3,000,000 in '35, 25,UCO,(C0 in '3G. Fortunes were made as quickly as in ,7 in Kansas City and Wichita. All you had to (do was to buy, and sellat an advance of .50 per cent.,-buy,and sell at another advance of 75 per cent; and since you bought merely to sell again, of course there was no use in paying for anything, you could just give your note, pay it off or transfer it when you sold. and pocket the difference, the margin. The public debt was extin- guished in 1835 and Calhoun proposed to divide the increasing surplus over 5,000,000 among the States, and one such loan was actually made. These too, stimulated by the brilliant success of the Erie Canal, began to discount the future largely and to vote away millions for ill-advised, badly-planned and worse-executed internal improvement. Everybody knew he was himself rich, and felt quite sure his neighbor was. Even staid old Dutch -New York City caught the fever, and the assessed valuation leapt from 104,000.000 in '32 to 253,000,000 in '360 But this was merest sluggard pace compared with that of Mobile, which fairly strode in seven-league boots from S1,000,000 to S27,000.COO! Need it be said that such valuations were necessarily in large measure fictitious that the 25 26 TariZ liaform Addre8ss of W. B. Smith. stock was watered inordinately But another feature of the times was even more interesting and more menacing. President Jackson had resolutely grappled with the United States Bank and overthrown it. But to tear down is one thing. to build up is another. Out of the wreck of the old banking system. no rational new one had arisen. The Government monevs were distributed here and there through the States among the -,pet"' banks, as men named them. Over against these, however, stood the so-called wild-cats' -genuine go-as-VouL-please banks. born of the riotous excitement of land-speculation and the universal feeling of bound- less resources and immense wealth close at hand, to be had for the asking. These "wild-cats, 'chartered bv the State, had no adequate paid-up capital to protect their depositors and issued notes at pleasure without any provision to meet payment. "Only belie. e that we can pay them -so they reasoned- and there will be no reason for asking us to do it. ' But Jackson was a -' hard moneW' man, a scoffer and an unbeliever. Accordingly. with notable shrewdness, he let things go onlet the bubble of credit expand more and more till about the close of his administration, when he pricked it most effectually by issuing his famous " specie circular."' This order forbade land-agents to receive anything but " specie." gold and silver, in payment for lands sold: Of course there arose a demand for specie, the notes began to pour in upon the banks for payment. But the notes had been issued on faith, and not against adequate reserve. Of course the banks could not pay. and they suspended gracefully, with scarcely an effort to meet their obliga- tions. Such was the crash of the spring of 1s37! Never before or since in our history as a people had the mine of financial disaster been so carefully laid, the train so perfectly prepared. It needed onlv a match to produce the explosion, and that match was applied bV President Jackson in issuing his memorable " specie circular." All the foregoing facts are readily accessible to the student of American History, and in the light of them the pretense of M1r. Blaine and others that a slight and slow reduction of 'tariff rates, 5 per cent. yearly, kept the business of the country feverishly active for four years and then suddenly paralyzed it,-is not only grotesque and ridiculous, it is also brazenly impudent. Such a perversion of history and stultification of Economics is an appeal to the presumed ignorance of the voter, a manifest bravado of conscious weakness. But while history thus positively refuses to show either that there was or that there could have been any connection between the gentle slope in tariff rates from 183 to 1636 and the precipitate plunge in credit and prices in 1s37, it does exhibit one striking and significant economic fact which Mr. Blaine and his compeers have strangely overlooked or forgotten, namely: that the most highly Taritf R form Atddre of IV. B. SSmith. protected of all industries from ISI to 1839, the iron industry, demonstraln'v was not helped in its development by the tariff. For before the tariff, during the Colonial period, we exported, not imported, iron. For twenty years after, till 18019, we still competed successfully, in iron-making, with the world; then came the new methods which revolutionized the industry, namely, the use of coke, of the blast-furnace, and puddling. These improvements were introduced in Europe, they lowered the price of iron, importations began to pour in and Pennsylvania cried out for protection against these improvements and the consequent fall in prices. Congress yielded and imposed specific and discrimuinating duties whielc ranged from 41) per cent. even up to 1)(1 per (ent. in iqs2s' Herewith wvat imposed an enormous lburden of taxation on all other industries. But was the iron industry advanced and develol)ed NOT IN TE1 LEAsTr. In spite of increasing protection the Pennsvlvanian merely held his own; he wivas unable to supplv the home-mnarket. as unabie at the end of twenty years of protection as at the beginning. Importations increased steadily and almost exactly as fast as the home product. From 1818 to lS3.-, with very slight variations oit- //ird of the iron used was imaported. 'thus in ])28, the import (in tons of pig) was about 64,000, the home-product 130,0(0): in 18S36 the imports about 131,000, the home-product 272,0(0. Once more, the home-product increased at a remarkably steady rate, and quite as fast while the tariff was falling as while it was rising, thus: from 1828 to 1838,130, 142. 165, 191, 200, 218, 231;, 254. 272. 2(). )3S-thousand tons of pig. Still more, however, remarkably and decisively, the new era in iron industry opened in 183S-40, when duties were being scaled down to their lowest; precisely when, according to the Pro- tectionist, it should have drooped and withered, if not died. 1o' it bursts out into rich and luxuriant foliage and bloom. It was in 838 that the first success was attained in using anthracite in the furnace. Thenceforth the development of the industry was sure and rapid, tariff or no tariff. It appears then indisputable,that the protective duties of twenty years certainly did nothing for the promotion of the protected industry they merely enriched a few producers at the expense of a multitude of consumers. On the contrary, if they affected the general industry at all, they retarded its development, by screening the Quaker from competition, by teaching him to rely on the generosity of Congress rather than on his own ingenuity, and by delaying in this way the introduction of improved processes. The centre of the sudden and terrific earthquake of 1s37 was in the West, but the shock was propagated rapidly eastwvard. It did not originate among the manufacturers. but these of course felt it, and seized the opportune moment to renew their old cry for help from the people at large. They were only very partially successful. 27 28 Titriff Reform Address of 1W7. B. Smith. Rates were lput up somewhat under Tyler in '42, but in 18I4-so little had the people recognized the panic of 1837 as due to a slight reduc- tion of the tariff, so little had they felt benefit from the partial restoration of rates in 1842-after an exhaustive report by Secretary R. .J. Walker, a new schedule of duties was introduced-the lowest since iSl;, and the country was committed to a settled and enlight- ened poliev of commercial freedom. What followed is yet fresh in the minds of many now living. That the half generation, from IS46 to 186PI, was one of great and wide-spread prosperity and material progress. perhaps no one will deny. No other period of equal length and of equally high average growth and w-ell-being is to be found anywhere in our history as a people. In the pamphlet "Tariff for Protection," will be found a careful comparison of industrial progress during the decade 1830-60. under an average tariff of IS per cent. on dutiable and 12 per cent. on total imports, with the double decade from '60 to 'S0 under an aver- age tariff nearly three times as high. The result turns out favorable to the low tariffin T7 paidiai'. The persistent pretentions that low tariff reduces wages, checks manufactures, and the like, are completely confuted in the following facts there established. The numbers are the gain per cent. per ten years, first under low tarift. then under high tariff. Gain per cent. under Low Tariff. High Tariff. Capital invested in manufactures .............. 057.386.73 Gross products of manufactures................. . .55.035 69.07 Net product of manufactures ...................... 84.13 52.36 Total domestic exports ............................... 172.50 49.25 Export of manufactures ............................... 493.30 33.00 Total wealth of U. S ..................................... 142.00 43.00 Average wealth per capita ........................... 7 0.00 29.0 Wages .................1.................... ...... 16.50 9.6 These results have been laboriously deduced from official statis- tics and are certainly free from appreciable error. In their presence the constant assurance of the protectionist that lowering the tariff would prostrate our industries, or reduce us to mere agriculture, is manifestly insincere and too ludicrous for serious consideration. But you ask, did low tariff cause the astonishing prosperity of this period Certainly no sane man will answer yes. The reiien/ causes of prosperity, whether individual or national, are in general always the same, namely: the energy, virtue, and intelligence of the people themselves, applied to their natural resources. All that any economic policy can do, but this is very much, is to clear the way for this application of mind to matter, to offer a wide field and full play for the most effective operation of the powers of the nationa Tariff Ref.-orm Address of X. B. Sm ith. 29 spirit. A low tarifffrr -eveoze on!;'j, secures the most favorable con- ditions possible under all the circumstances for the exertion of the forces inherent in the people,-that is all. It can not create wealth, or coerce prosperity,or avert panics, tho it may nmodify their degrees, intensifying those and mitigating these. Like all other forms of good government, its office is mainly to prevent evil. Its working is clearly and excellently illustrated in the epoch from 1S40 to ls4. The wave of prosperity was not raised by the Walker Tariff. but that tariff merely allowed it to swell higher and wider and more evenly than would otherwise have been possible, and than sueh a wave ever did before or since. It could not keep the people from speculating, from blowing up the bubble of undue credit and artili- cial prices, from precipitating the "panic" of 1837, but it so umoditied and tempered the shock that this latter was easily borne and quickly passed away, the natural conditions were soon restored, and a few months saw the country once more thriving and prosperous. The panic came, such as it was, not because of, but in spite of. the low tariff, as such reactions from over-activity and fever of trade always have come and always wvill come periodically, at uncertain Intervals. Is it not ridiculous to suppose that a low tariff enacted in lS4;. after allowing the country 10 years of the highest prosperity-, wvouldl suid- (lenly change its mind, produce a panic, and then as suddenly repent again, and let the l)eople prosper for five years longer So little did any one at that time suspect the tariff of such waivwardnes;s, so awell pleased were the majority with its general wvorkings, that in 1S57 the rates wvere sti//lirt her reduced, to the lowest point since 1816, and with such general approval of the manufacturers that Senator Slier- m'an four Vears after said in congress, -The bill of 18.57 is the manit- ac/urers's bill," while the increased rates of Mtlorrill's bill in Is;l. "were coldly received" by these same manufacturers. Contrast the rapid and complete recovery from the depression of '7)7 with the slow and painful and even yet far fron; complete recovery from the revulsion of 1873. In all three dimensions, in width and length andi depth, in space, time, and intensity, in the extent, the persistence and the severity of its action, this latter is incontestably the Prince of Panics. It fell upon the world like a flash of lightning from a serene sky, at the very mid-noon of inflated prices, feverous trade. and perfect Protection! We, the sacred Priesthood of the High Tariff'Goddess, we kneeling at her inmost shrine, we burning con- tinually the richest incense at her thousand altars-on our heads the cloudless thunder was first bolted. The Necv York and Oswvego Midland (railway ) started the long procession of failures, Sept. 17. 1873; Jay Cooke & Co. fell promptly into line on the 1Sth; while within the next twenty-four hours nineteen other banking-houses passed into bankruptcy. Germany almost kept time with the ' iTariff Reform Ad4ress of IV. B. Smith. United States in the race to ruin, while France with Belgium trod close in their footsteps. England, meanwhile, unprotected England. while the swift wave of disaster was foaming wide and high all arOLndl her. ( ONTINUED FOR TWO Y'EARtS LONGF.R TO 1'ROSPlER. -Not until 1'.75 did the general, s-idden,and sharp distress of .the two continents blegin graduiallv to make itself felt in the Britis h Islands! For five years this panic reigned over us; then three successive bad crops in Europe with good ones in America gave us a breathing-spell; but in 1882-83 the incubus once more settled upon us with added weight for another week of vears. It is the nature of acute attacks to lie quick alike in Coming and going. Only when they find the general condition of the victim unsound and unnatural do they drag after them a long train of suffering. La Grippe in its swift flight over our continent smote all alike with its wing; the strong and well it stunned momientarily, the unhealthy and feeble it left wrestling with pneu- monia. So, too, the panic of '73, while not caused, has been greatly prolonged and intensified, by protective legislation, which has diseased and weakened our whole commercial organism, which heis involved our whole body of industries in an unhealthy condition. and greatly reduced their powers of recuperation. Such then is the verdict of history, unequivocal in condemning the appellant protectionist. B. GREAT BRITAIN U-NDEIR FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION. The wonderful development of Great Britain during the last 44 vears under her enlightened and consistent Free Trade policy is a matter of common knowledge. In commerce, and industrial life generally, she easily leads the world. Of this fact, the statistics of her trade offer conclusive proof, and the late Exposition at Paris presented abundant illustration. The material progress of the United States has indeed been still more rapi(1, but let us remember that she is an old and small island, the United States a new and vast orontinent. For a new western town to double, treble, quadruple itself in less than 10 years, is neither strange nor uncommon; for an old eastern town, such growth would be miraculous. The present complete commercial supremacy of Britain is well-attested and unquestioned. But not only is this true. Her laboring classes are mualh the best-paid, the best-housed and the best-fed in the old world. The organization of labor has been carried further in England than elsewhere in the world, and with more beneficent results. The relations of employers and employed are in the main the most satisfactory now existing. The average wealth per capita is greater even thait in the United States. What is far more, how- ever, the distribution of this immense wealth is yearly becoming more equable. The few vast fortunes are indeed increasing, yet 30 Tarif Rreform Addr'els of WF. B. SENitk. slowly, while the average wealth of the lower and middle classes is increasing at a much quicker pace. In other woids. the wealth of tbe kingdom is gradually spreading itself less and less unevenlv over the w-hole poplulationf not heaping itself together in a few families-- exactly the reverse of the alarming, the aAallin.,-, movement of wealth anmong us. All these are cold, heartless facts, and he is a poor patriot who will try to disguise. distort, or deny theni. The intelligent Protectionist admits thein, but rejoins that England Prepared herself to lead the world in trade, p)roduction and vonsunmp- tion. by a long period of rigorous Protection: Al: indeed ' We are reminded of the Irishman wvho entered a rowing miatcb with a eotelInian. 'The latter, soon perceiving that the contest was an unequal one. stopped and lay on his oars in mid-stream. then 1b a bold spurt lie shot past his rival and reached the goal several lengths ahead. '"Weel, man, ye cinna ken to row agin a Ilie lander." "Och faith," replied the son of Erin, I've took advantage of me. 0i moiglht have baten aisilv. if olhad sli /vz j,'ed myself with a res/.'' And now, having answered the fool accordring to his folly, let us comnjplete our obedience to Scripture and answer him not according to his folly. but seriously. While Britain was thus strengthening lherself in the race by rest, by rigorous protection, what were her rivals doing WNhy, strengthening themselves as fast as possible, also' We too, were res/in7,, -itil all our might under very high tariftL So. too, was France. Tbe one blessing of the usurpation of Napo- leon III (1S52) was the clearing awvay of much of the protection lumber which lay in time way of French commnerce. So, too, 'vas Germany. 'Not until S135 ded the Zollverein ( Custois-UnTnicn ) par- tially set trade in easv flow anmong the German States themselves. England first struck the Free 'trade oar into the waters of commerce. Her rivals continued to strengthen themselves with rest. Ilaving otut-reste(l England. having made still greater "prel)aration" than sshe. wlhv do they still lag hopelessly behind But not only is the contention of Mr. Blaine logically vicious, it is also materially false. 3ie represents Britain as extraordinarily prosperous under ]'rotec- tion, and as having reason in Is-If; to "feel suprenlely content." 'this is history, not as it is enacted, but "as she is wrote." '1'hts. C'arlvle was on the ground, in 1 443, and said " England is dying of inanition." " )Of 13 million skilful workers. some two million sit in ,vork-houses, poor-law prisons or have out-door relief Hung over the vwall to them, the work-house Bastille being tilled to bursting." "In thriftv Scotland itself there are scenes of woe, and destitution, and desolation, such as, one may hope, the sun never saw' before in the most barbarous regions where mnan ever dwelt." ' Oh' yes,' you say, -but Carlyle w-as a mere rhetorician and a chronic grumbler." Well then, hear Walter Bagehot, the coolest and clearest of modern 31 .32 Thriff' Ieform Address of 1U. B. Smith. economic writers. " for thirty years succeeding the peace of lS15, England was always uncomfortable; trade was bad, employment scarce, and all our industry depressed, fluctuating, and out of heart. So great is the change of times that what we now call bad trade would then have seemed very good trade, and what we now call 'good trade' would have been too good to be thought of-would have been deemed an inconceivable Elysian and Utopian dream." But perhaps Bagehot is discredited as being a Political Economist. Hear, then, the mattei-of-fact historian, Gardiner: "T The agricul- tural and industrial poor were on the verge of starvation." "The revolution struck down in France appeared to be at the doors in England." " The misery was in great part owing to the incidence of the protective system." "The' condition of the manufacturing poor was deplorable." " The introduction of penny postage ( 1840) was a daring step in the face of embarrassed finances.' "In 141 the ministers produced free-trade measures as the best remedy for existing evils" (measures which were reejected for lack of confidenee in the ministers themselves ). " At last Sir Robert Peel, shaKen Jv argument, proposed and carried the repeal of the corn-duties (lS46;)." Similar measures followed in quick succession. "The idea which was steadily making its way was the idea of testing all questions 1by the interest of the nation as a whole, and of disregarding in compar- ison the special interest of particular classes." These quotations are from S. Rawson Gardiner, in the Lniyclopaedia Brilaullica. Vol. VIII. pp. 326, :327, 32.-an authority not to be dotlbted. But why dwell on such a one-sided question Is it not a matter of common knowledge that Sir Robert Peel w"as a Conservative and a Protec- tionist that he yielded againsl lzis p)a/'I' to the cry of distress that went up all over England, the maddening cry of the wage-earners for bread! bread!" that his magnanimous loyalty to his people, rather than to his party. wrecked that party and hurled him froui power, tho it f filled the sounding trump of fame forever with his name Verily the landowners.who were selling their wheat at 2.50( a bushel, as ivell as the manufacturers might have had '" reason to feel supremely content," and these and such as these Mlr. B., no less than the rest of his party, is prone to regard and treat as the nation, the whole nation; he and such as be, whose only conception of Gov- eminent is that of a machine for oppressing the many in the interest of the few, a suction-pump for draining off the pennies of the poor into the insatiate monev-pools of the rich, it is natural enough that such class-legislators on both sides of the Atlantic still look back with complacence and even regret upon that dismal era, but the lower and middle classes regard the legislation of Peel and Russell, Derby and Gladstone as deliverance from a hideous nightmare. Without any tinge of rhetorical exaggeration we may affirm that Taritf Reform Address of W. B. Smith. whoever maintains that Engrland -had reason to feel supremely con- tent" in l8f, tlherebv "writes himnself (lown as an enemy of the people, as a contemner of their rights, their struggles and their asl)irations, as entirely out of sympathy with social reform and with whatever is best and most hopeful, most human and most Christian in our mnodern civilization. The single grain of correctness in Mr. B. s characterization of the protective period relat- s to the niechan- ical inventions and discoveries that marked it. But will even Alarch-hare madness attribute these or anv of them either to the theory or to the practice of IProtection Do steam and electricity, do telegraphy and telephony know or acknowledge the tariff enact- ments of any Congressional commiinittee Do the lavs of Thermnodv- namics. of Electro-magnetism, of Universal Gravitation indeed wvait upon Pennsylvania and Rhode Islan d either for discovery or for application Is the pure and profouad science, in whiclh all art is rooted, fostered or furthered by a duty on books and philosophic apparatus So far fronm stinulating the inventive facultv-, the working of protectlon hals alwslV VS been to dull and torporize it. And most natturallv. It is so much easier to " fix a committee ' than to improve a l)rocess, to shut out your rival by law than to distance him by energy and ingenuity. It is a notable faet, to which mv attentionI has been calle(l by my friend and colleague, Prof. fiedenman, that. in the various forms of anprL;btc. a'industries, agricultural, dlomestic, and other. American genius af;s conspitiu- ously glorified itself: hut precisely in the most hi-ilvl1 protected industries, Nyhere the (lependlence was upon lobl)byig in C ongress anld the taxation of others, that samne genius has won only the scantiest laurels. In that supreme, that all-regulative iron industry, ntore tenderly cheris]hed, more prodigally protected titan perhaps any other, while eagerly and avariciously exploiting the ideas of others, we have made few noteworthy advances of our own. Bessemer, S-iemnens, Alartin, Mushet, Krupp, and others.-naines which illumine the pages of the historv of iron,-all are the names of foreigners. Pennsylvania nay. indeed, claim as tier son one man of really great ability-Benjamin Frankilin ; and lie wvas horn in Boston: lIOTEI''ION IN 1:JIZOP'E. It is contend(ed by Mr. Reed that Protection meets Avith more and more favor amiong the great nations of the continent, France, Germany, Italv, Austria, Russia. and that, therefore, it is xise and proper, an exlpression of the "saving common-sense" of mlalkind. rThefrtcf that a strong Protectionist re-action has taken phace ill tile Powers mentioned is out of question; the minor lpremic in M1r. 3.3 34 Tariff Reform Addres8 of W. B. Smith., Speaker's argument is conceded. But no argument can stand on one leg, there must be some such major premise as this: "What- ever course is taken by the present Governments is judicious, economically judicious.'; Is Mr. R. prepared to affirm as mnch' Is not much of the governmental policy of those nations intolerable both to the head and to the heart of an American Look at the vast armies of millions of men with which the plains of Europe bristle, consider the enforced military service which robs the youth of from 2 to 4 years of his early manhood, and spreads the contagion of moral leprosy thro all ranks of society,-are we prepared to defend, are we ready to follow this policy Assuredly nay ! Accordingly, se soon as we bring Mr. R. to logical account, his reasoning is seen to fail utterly. The example of Europe proves nothing at all until there is discovered some valid general principle underwhich to range it. But no such principle is discovered or discoverable. rfhe real fact is, that the protective legislation has all along been but time-servinrg opportunism, but a bundle of temporary expedients, occasional make-shifts, and guided by no consistent rational prin- ciple. All these nations their colossal armaments bestride with crushing weight. The taxation necessary is so high that the rulers wonid not dare try to collect it directly. Accordingly, recourse must be had to indirect taxation, which Colbert long ago recom- mended as the best way to p/tuck the 0oose of as uian fa etlurs zoi/h as little noise its possi/'/e. In order to reconcile the ignorant masses to the fearful incubus of a standing army of 2 or 3: millions of men, these governments pretend to exercise a fatherly care over their children in preventing competition, from without, by foreigners; this they do by fining, under the name of a dliti or impost, every one of their o,-ni ci!i-uso who trades with a foreigner, in certain articles. These fines are poured into the public treasury to support the army, the people imagine that the fines have been collected off of the foreigner. The French fancy they are taxing the Germans and Italians, these believe they are taxing the French and Russians, and so on, each living off of all the others. The temptation for a Govern- ment, struggling in financial embarrassments, to resort to such smooth and plausible trickery is very great, almost irresistible. The protective sytems of modern Europe all lie rooted in some unnatural and unhealthy social or political condition. The immense standing armaments, which have attained their gigantic size within the iast score of years. the prodigious sums spent in prawnrittu for ..war in ortdr to kIep tahe Jcace,-these are the main excuses for the heavy taxation; just as the enormous sums paid out in pen- sions-which now rush up toward 150,000,000 yearly, and will soon certainly reach 300,000,000 under existing laws, not to speak of TariaT Reform Address of Th. B. Smitk. others likely to be enacted-will soon be made the plea for indefinite continuance of our tariff-taxation. Mark it well! When over- whelmed with argument on all sides, when driven in rout from every other position, the 'Taritl-tayer will stand at bay in the last ditch of Protectionism and cry out, "W We need, we must have, the money"-!- to pay the pensions. Still other conditions, equally unnatural and equally uncivilized, have helped to bring about the present system in Continental Europe. T'he disasters of the war of T7-'171 prostrated France and turned her excitable people to artificial stimulants. In Germany, Bismarck used Protection as a three-edged sword; to secure a great revenue for the new Empire, to foil socialists by seeming fatherly concern for the poor wVage-earners, and, more than all, to build up a powerful class of manufacturers,fJtzored by the Government, having a wouey in)ei e! in the Government, and hence ready to support the Government thro thick and thin, by fair means and by foul, when- ever support was needed. Such, too, was Alexander Hamilton's original idea when he introduced the very mild tailiff of about S per cent. As to how this works-who among us does not know Let the interests of any special class, as the steel-rail makers, be appar- ently threatened, let the suffering people at large grow restive and try to shake off the blood-sucker;-straightway such favored classes, the pets of legislation, make common cause, they raise a vast corrup- tion fund, they debauch the ballot-box, they buy a state, they elect a President, they control a Congress. But has protective policy of the Great Powvers benefited the masses in whose interest it is professedly followed Emphatically no! The labor troubles of the Continent are becoming y early more aggravated, the distress and discontent of the wage-earners is daily intensified, the socialistic agitation assumes larger and larger pro- portions, the commercial conditions move steadily towards a crisis. The beet-sugar industry, for example, the especial pet of protection, in fostering which Franee, Germany and Russia have vied with each other in legislation, this industry has indeed generated and developed a class of rich men, dependent on the Government, and pledged unchangeably to support it. But has it helped the people at large Let the following table of the average yearly consump- tion of sugar per capita in Europe answer: England, 74 pounds; France, 28 pounds; Germany 21 pounds; Russia, 9 pounds. What a brilliant triumph of Protection! Sugar thrice as abundant where it is not made as where it is made, and not half so dear! The Continental powers have indeed seriously injured the sugar refineries of England by selling her sugar at 3 cents a pound; but 36 Tariff Reform Address of 1W'. B. Smjith. on the ruins of the refineries there have sprung up the " jam "- factories, made possible, profitable to the owners. and beneficial to the people, by the cheapness of sugar, and giving employment, at good wages, to tert/ times as Zazny laborers as did the refineries!! No wonder, then, that the Powers are now trying to shake oft the rider they have allowed to mount them! No wonder that at a general Convention in 1887 it was unanimously agreed that ' the high con- tracting parties engage to take such measures as shall constitute an absolute and complete guarantee'that no open or disguised bounty shall be granted on the manufacture or exportation of sugar." But the " measures " could not be satisfactorily arranged at the conven- tion in August, 1888, and the whole case lies over till September, ]Stul. Meantime depression, distress. and conmplaint are deep and wide-spread on the continent. In the G erman Parliament it is charged that the farmi-laborers have been reduced] to little better than serfs, and Deputy Gelhert declared: " I cannot discern the smallest gain to our country. 'The profits of the system have been reaped only b Enghlnd. We pay from 7 to 10 millions of dollars yearly to enable England to consulte what wonld probablyl be worked up by our German industry. Gentlemen. I fear this svstem has made us the laughing-stock of our English cousins." Suich has been the disastrous working of 20 years of protection to the beet-sugar-maker, of encouraging him in manufacture Dv bounty for what be exports. for what he sells to the English for much less than he sells to his German brother! The few manu- facturers have, indeed, been encouraged. but the many, the bread-winners, have sunk still deeper in the slough of Despond. We mav well understand then why the discontent among the wage-earners has become so general that the young Emperor William has invited all his roval neighbors to drink wine and smoke cigars with him in a reneral conference for devising measures to relieve the laborers, to lighten their burdens, or, more likely, to strengthen their backs by a pat and a word of encouragement. In the face of the proved and admitted embarrassments entailed by the protection of sugar, in the face of the manifest general discomfort under the protective system on the Continent, discom fort so great as to move the monarchs to a general convention to deliberate upon it,-in the face of all this, can we hear with patience of bounties to wheat and shipping, and of the general blessings of protection to the day-laborers EFFECT OF P'ROTECTION- ON DISTRIBUTION OF WEAL1 H. As to the generaleffect of protection upon the productiveness of a people, the following estimate of the average yearly wage-earnings Torij- ReJform Adr otle of F. B. Smith. per capita among the nations- an estimate the latest and most careful vet made-is as comnDreliensive and as conclusive as can lwel be imagined: Australia, S205; United Kingdonm ( Greitt Britain and Ireland), i;5,; United States. 13.5; Canada, S1:]3; Continental Europe, 90. The pre-eminence of Australia is certainly due, in considerable measure, to the fact that Australia Is a '' cotuntrY, a. virgin soil for endeavor, where fresh opportunities lie open on every hand to applyl mind to matter, the energies of the huiman spirit to the conquest antd utilization of the energies of nature. Similar remarks apply to America, only with somewhat abated emphasis. But the splendid record of Britain, scored under highly unfavorable natural conditions--a small and densely populated island. where every avenue of employment, not to say prolt, has long been cro.vdetl-thi, astonishing record has been imade possible by one or both of two causes: the superior charaeter of her people and the superior wis(dom of her commercial poliey. liut for one, as an American, I zina unwilling to concede a hi.;'her a;" i,.ute of virtue, energy, or intelligence to our British kinsman; there is no choice. then, but to ieAd the palmn to his policy. So far. however, aIs the happiness of the whole people is concerned, the siipreme consideration in statesnianship, a lower average of earnings nmight well be preferred to a higher one, if the former were more e. eiily distributed. The samie poet who said "Evil communications corrupt good manners," also said, ' Flee avarice and choose equal- itY." How stands the case. then, in Britain The number of estates subject to legacv and succession duties ha-s grown tw ice as fast as the population, the average amount per estate has only sbightly Increased. Of all estates assessed for probate duty ( l 77s;)..7.. per cent., were worth less than &;:l5.H). Since IS-,3 the national in(.olme has s voilen by S3,775.000.00t)0. fromn 2575 to 63.50 inilions-ab)outt 117 pier cent. 'T'he inconme of capitalists has more than doubled ( from 950.00 0,000 to 2,4)l0,0s8)Q.0O( j; while the aniount per head, of capital, has risen only 15 per cent., time total amount has risen by over l50 percent., that is. the n umber of capitalists has more thlnt doubled. 'Ihe income of the upper and middle classes Imts umore tIean doubled itself, growing from 770 to 16i0O umillions of dollars; )tit the income of the bread-winners has more than trebled itself, swelling fronm 83 5 to 275o muillions. nearly 230 per cent. -Meantime their numbers grew by only 380 per cent.: cousequently the gain per t e'nt. in average income vas 154: 'l'he numL11ber of incomes over S- (00() is stationary or slowly sinlking: the number of incomes less than ` 5,0m, and more than S7.5)0 is steadily rising by about 2 per cent. per annum ,-even during the panic decade froin '76-'s; it rose by nearly- 20) per cent., from 317,83t) in '.7 to 379,0C4 in '56;. For incomes .37 38 Tariff Reform Address of W. B. Smith. still smaller. below S750, the record, if kept. would certainly be still far more gratifying, as the above average gain of 230 per cent. clearly indicates. Such is the report of the Royal Statistical Society. Summing it all up we inay say with Mr. Giffen "The rich have become mnore numerous, but ,znot ricl,- individually; the poor are, to some smaller extent, fewer; and those who remain poor are, individually, twice as well off as they were fifty years ago. The poor have thus had almost all the benefit of the great material advance of the last fifty years." Surely no one can read this wonderful record -without feeling his heart throb with delight and kindle anew wsvith hope for the race. And what has High Tariff in America to place by the shile of this shining IVoll of Honor of Free Trade in England While the ilihiiands of wealth have been slowly. almost insen- sibly, sinking in Britain, and the MAidlands and Lowlands rapidly rising, what has been the movement in this continental Republic AIXi0O.-T PRE1C't;ELY THE1 REVEMSE. hoes any one need to be told that among us the accutmulation of inconceivable riches in a few families has proceeded for the last twenty-five years at an accelerated rate without parallel in the history of mankind Are not the mountain-peaks of wealth shooting up all around us to diz- zying heights To more than princely, more than k nglv, more than imperial altitudes But yesterdlay, and the chasm betwveeni the poor or inerelv well-to-do and the rich was spanned b1y a briflge of four or live, or at most six cipilers; now, at least six or seven, and even eight. are needled. Wealth is no longer reekoned in thous- ands or trns and hundreds of thousands, but in millions, tens and hundreds of millions. This is not mountains bhut mountains of mountains; not riches, but the square of riches; it is iiehes in the second degree. And it is possible to stop here Will not the third degree soon follow Will not another cipher to the right be soon needed In another generation, will not the mnyriads of myriads become thousands of thousands of thousands Hlaving piled Ossa on Olvmpus, wviil not the same gigantic children of Dives upheave and hurl Pelion atop of Oss:tl The 130,,150.000,000 of an Astor, even at 5) per cent,, will grow in forty years to over 1,00(,000,(!00. In thirty vears the hundred mifiooms of l'ockefeller, Stanford, Gould, and the Vaanderbilts will grow at s per cent. each into over a thous- and millions. And are they likely to be content with a less rate of increase 'The colossal estates amassed in a single generation in this Republic are each from three to tive times as great as the vastest hereditary estates in monarchical England, which have descended in gathered volume thro hundreds of vears. These latter, Ta riff' Reform Address of W. B. ,Smitlh. besides, are now practically stationary, both in amount and in nUin- ber, while the American brood of maummon are cont nually multi- plied and magnified daily. Across the waters one-thirtieth of the people own two-thikds of England ; on this side, where all men are equal, less than one-sixtieth own more than two-thirds of the United States! But perhaps some one may think that this amazing accumulation of wealth has taken place only in a few exceptional cases, and that after all the bulk of national wealth is not so unevenly distributed. Let him then read the article of Mr. Shear- man in the Al-Uum of Novemjber, SSv9, on "The owners of the United States." and let him make any reasonable, any not alto gether extravagant, discount from the estimate there made If he be still skeptical, let him regard steadfastly this single ollicial statistical fact: The centre or the mid-line of population is moving steadily and even rapidly westward. In s18SO it lay near Cincin- nati: the census of 1i)1) will show it still farther on its way to the Mississippi. Meantime what has the mid-line of wealth been doing If the wealth of the nation were spreading itself more evenly over our people, or even if it wvere not growing more uneven. then clearly the mid-line of wealth would follow and keep up with the mid-line of population. On the other hand, the monstrous fact is that the mid-line of wealth is retreating eastward. In 1S60 it lay west of the Alleghanies; in 18S0, while the mid-line of pop- ulation had moved on westward to Cincinnati, this mid-line of wealth had retraced its steps and recrossed the Alleghanies, moving eastward. In 1860 more than half the wealth of the countrv was west of the mountains (83:30 out 1G,160 millions); in 1,80 more than half was east of the mountains (full 23000 out of 43642 millions). In other words, while the population has been spreading itself out over the Mississippi valley, the Wealth has been heaping itself up along the Atlantic slope. In this one tremendoue s fiza, there is found the decisive proof of our thesis: while the mid-lines of wealth and population are movirg in opposite directions, it is impossible that the distribution of wealth should not be growing more and more uneven. No one who has calmly considered the matter can doubt that concentration of wealth in a few bands has proceeded during the last ten years with steadily increasing velocity; the census of this year, if correct, unpartisan, "undoctored," will certainly show a still greater excess of wealth on the sea-board, will show the average level in the east raised far higher absolutely and still higher relatively, while the level of the Great West will be found relatively loweredi. It is exceedingly doubtful whether the avel age wealth level of the Mississippi Malley will be found appreciably raised; whatever rise it may show will be due not to any general 319 40 Ta riff 'Reform A dd1lrees of WV. B. ASm ith. improvement in condition of the laboring and farming classes -assuredly these latter are not conscious of any such amelioration -but to the rapid growth of large towns. like Chicago and Kansas'Citv. W'hat we need in our census report is a classification and tabulation of inconmes as: of all under 500; of all between S500 and 1,()000; between 1,000 and S2,000; between 2,000 and 5,000; and so on. This, along with a similar classification of estates, as; of less than :1,000; between 1,000 and 2,500; between 2,500 and `5,f5000; between 5,000 and 10,000; and so on-these tables and only these, compiled for each State and for each town of more than 10,000 inhabitants, would reveal the true state of case, and would disclbse such an inequality in the distribution of wealth as has perhaps never before presented itself in a civ- ilized community-an inequality, not the melancholy heirloom of generations of feudal tyranny, not an accursed legacy from the Middle Ages, as in Great Britain and Continental Europe, but the sudden creation of the last thirty years of Republican Freedom, the prodigious birth of our own age and governmnent-ah inequality not slowly sinking away before the steady rise of civilization and the progress of humanity, as is the case in England, but daily grow- ing greater, more threatening, and more deformed-an inequality which is at the same time an iniquity, since it is in large measure begotten and nourished by unjust legislation. It may not be possi- ble to enumerate or even discover all the conditions which have helped to bring about this alarming concentration of wealth. Probably (the sagacious suggestion of Prof. Tiedeman) ii is due in a degree to the unequaled facilities which we offer for the forma- tion of private corporations and the tender regard with which we treat them. Ours is pre-eminently the land of corporations, our statutes and reports the source and origin of corporation law. But while many influences may have conspired to the result in question, ONE at least stands out eminent, conspicuous, and demonstrable; it is that of INDIRECT TAXATioN. This latter applies the doctrine that all men are created equal, in a most marvelous way, namely, by making the burdens equal on all, altogether irrespective of the ability to bear the burden. This working of Indirect Taxation is no matter of conjecture or theory. but of daily observation and experiment, as well as of simple and conclusive proof. A duty is imposed on some article of daily consumption, of universal use, as sugar, iron, wool, tin, hides, and the like. The price of every one is raised, to the poor, as to the rich. Of every one the rich man may consume two or three or possibly tea times as much as the poor man: but his abilitv to bear this burden of taxation, of extra price, is a hundred or many hundred times as great as the other's. TariWf Rfform Address of I1. B. Smith. The indirect tax falls like a feather on the rich and strong: it falls like a millstone on the poor and weak. If the price of sugar be advanced but three cents per pound by the present tariff, which ren- ders the Sugar Trust possible (it ranges from 3 to a cents per pound in England, then a workman with a family of 5 constuming 200 pounds of sugar yearly, 40 pounds a piece. (in England the aver- age if 74 pounds per head ', is taxed SC, in the item of sugar. Even if the rich man with equal family buy ten times as much, his tax of 60 is for him scarcely perceptible. For the poor manl it takes away from 1-200th to 1-50th of his vear's earnings. In like manner the tariff on wool, which even the Republican and Protectionist organ of the northwest, the ichicago Tribune, reckons at 10 per family of tive, will dock his income by from 1-100 to 1-30 of itself. Il-t what is it to the rich man, even if it costs him 100 Like mav be said of the tariff-tax on iron which nibbles incessantly at the laborer's earnings, gnawing away another 11) in a year, and of the other multituide of necessaries on all of which the wretched consumer is taxed, till .50 per annum appears to be a reasonable estimate of the average indirect tax per family of five, of the tine imposed by our tariff laws on the purchase of the common commodities of life. This yearly tribute to the minotaur of Protection is not felt by the nobilitv of wealth; ten times, fifty times, even one hundred times as much, would be for our princes but a tly on a bull's horn; but for the poor, for the common vessels of humanity, it is a crushing, an insupportable, burden. For him who toils for 1 per day it is one- sixth of his income, it is a discount of 1G per cent. from his wages, it is a theft of one day out of every week, of two months out of every year. Even for the skilled artisan who earns 1000 yearly, it is a discount of . per cent., a theft of two and a half weeks out of the year. The exceeding sinfulness is seen in this circumstance: that the greater the laborer's need of time, the more of his time does the tax steal away. But the inmost core of this grievous wrong is not yet exposed. The tax is paid, not only out of the poor mlanls earn- ings, but also, which is far worse, out of his savings. Suppose the former to be 3 )00 yearly; suppose that of this sumi 400 would nat- urally go for the maintenance of tMe family, the !00 -would remain as his savings. This latter alone counts for the improvement of his condition, it alone helps to lift him out of penury and slavery into freedom and competence. But what does the tariff-tax do It increases the cost of his living by 30, it cutslown his savings by 50 out of 100. Thus, while it discounts his wages by only 10 per cent., it discounts his accumulations, his profits. by 50 per cent.! So far then as as the improvement of his condition is concerned, the one matter of supreme interest to the industrious, fore-sighted man, 41 42 TariT Reform Adldress f W' B. Smith. protection plunders him, not of one day in the week nor of one month in the year, but of one ON1t-HALF of his productive life! On the other hand, the man already ric h, who, without the practice of the slightest self-denial, merely by shunning insane extravagance, may save. must save, SI0.(;(0, l00,0(). i100,0(J0-he bears the load of three times, ten times, one hundred times such a tax like an ele- phant would a baby; it reduces his accumulations by only ten, or five, or two, or 1 per cent.: while as soon as he enters the circle of the el et, of the millionaires, the per cent. of reduction shrinks to a pitiful, vanishing, microscopic fraction. For the rich man it ten- der',y clips the extreme growth of his luxuriant locks of Absalom; the poor man's head it passes over with the .edge of a razor. In his swift flight toward kingly wealth andl luxury. it binds the wings of the rich and mighty with gossamer threads of spider; ltut in his slow toilin- march toward comfort and competence. it clogs the poor man's foot with chains and fetters of iron. No wonder that the crv is heard even on sober lips. in the pulpit, that our government has developed into one of the worst known to history, where the rich grow richer and the poor grow poorer. This is not strictly true: but the truth is nearly as bad, namely, that the rich are becoming very rapidly richer. while the poor are becoming very slowly less poor. hence the chasm between them is widening fast and widening daily. The total wealth of the nation is increasing at a steady pace, the average of wealth is rising gradually. But the wealth of the rich is increasing at an astonishing rate, while the struggle grows harder and harder, for the poor to better their con- dition. Under oar present iniquitous sy-stemn of taxation, which slices awav vearly from 30 to 100 per cent. of the hard-won savings of the farmer and laborer, but only from 10 to one-tentb per cent. of the effortless accumulations of'the moneyed lord, the vealth of a continent is philing itself up and must pile itself up, even without, even against, the will of the individual, higher and higher tn the hands of the rich, until it is only the question of a few years, of another generation, when all of the available, the disposable, the easily-wielded wealth of the nation vill be centred in a few, in at most fifty thousand persons, and these, reigning in more than orien- tal magnificence along our eastern coast, will thence stretch out the sceptre of their dominion over the whole of our lH ulon. Terrific, tremendous fulfillment of Scripture! To him that bath there is given. and he hath in abundance; from him that hath not there is taken away even the little that he hath. Tar-iU Riform Ad1d).ess of Wi'. B. Smith. THLE MCKINLEY BILL. In the face of these facts, which are considered unquestionable and whose significance and import canniot be overestimated. it is interesting to note the remedies which Protection proposes for the evils inflicted bv Protection. They are summed up in one word: MIoi:E Protection! McKinley, Porter, R'usk,-all tell the farmer that what lie needs is to have his own products protected. that the "paupers of Europe " are underselling himn at home. anti that he must shut out their competition by building up around hliin a high wall of Tariff, as the manufacturers have done! It is the old storm. A man steals from you 10. You modestly complain. lie sympa- thizes with Ioi and tells you to steal hack 5 from some one else! But is it possible to hoodwink the intelligent farmer by such palpa- ble nonsense Can even the grossest lies and perversions of statistics blind hinm to the fact that he is supremlne in agriculture and is naturally the feeder of the world 'The Chief of Census. Mr. Porter, puts '- the agricultural protected imports, on Nvhich duty was levied last year. at over 250,00,l;00." Figures, it has been said. will not lie; but manifestly they were not figures in thle hands of M1r. Porter. What is the first item It is wugar---S'.J:,0()()ll,0C0. Citizens of NMissoturi, of Iowa. of Kansas. of Illinois-for it is to you that I speak in particular-this is the protection afforded to your agriculture-a tax on every pouind of sugar you buy! T1he miserable unprotected Englishman pays from .3 to 5 cents per pound: lbut you. protected and happy, have to pay only from 7 to 1O! But if this tax is a blessing to you, instead of a curse, -why take off the duty on raw sugar, as the McKinley bill does Why in order that a score of refiners, forming the Sugar Trust, may get it for less, and then sell the refined sugar to you for the same price-for they are still perfectly protected by the tariff on the refined article! Of course they need this protection, for as it is they report only about 29 per cent. annual profit on their capital! If you object to such protec- tion as this for your farm-products, you are hard to l)lease and would perhaps object to being hung. But what is the second item "Aninma!s and products'--.4I,- 000,000. This is a marvelous statement. Count in Ivory- at 500,000, Bristles at 81,300.000, Dairy products at ;1,400,000, animals at 7,200,000-and we still lack over 830,0lu0,00! But per- haps M1r. P. forgot and counted iri 2.5,000,800 for hides and skins-on which there is no dtuty! However, what profit are the existing duties to the farmer Does he raise elephants or rhinoceroses for their ivorv Does he deal in bristles ' Does he, can he, grow the 43 44 Tarifi Reform Address of Wf. B. Sm ith. peculiar cheeses which make up nearly the whole dairy product Is he helped by a tax on his own importations of superior breeds of horses, cattle, swine, sheep, and poultry Assuredly not! And when a dutv Is laid on hides, will Armour & Co., of Chicago, give hiii a nickel more per hundred for his Short-horns Scarcely! They will doubtless make a good round sum out of the duty, by selling the hides at an advanced price; the Massachusetts shoe- makers will advance the price of the farmer's boots alittle,or, perhaps. use inferior leather or thread in making them; but wilr this help him to lift a mortgage And if a ' drawback " is allowed the manufacturers when they export shoes at reduced prices, does it benefit the farmner-this selling shoes dearly to him and cheaply to the foreigners Was there ever a more ingenuous device to afflict hin A duty is laid on hides-but he does not sell hides, only beeves. and the Beef Trust laughs at the idea of letting the hide aflect the price of the beef. However, the Trust raises the price of the hides it sells in immense numbers, and the shoe- makers raise the price of shoes. But the duty is paid back to them in case theyr export the shoes; so they export as many as possible, sell to the foreigners as cheaply as possible, and make it up in the returned duty and in the extra price charged their own country- man, the farmer! Let us now look at the third item: Fibres ( animal end vege- table ), except wool. 60,000,004). Here again is misstatement equally gross and misleading. The importations were in round numbers: Flax 2,0()0,000; Hemp 4,000,004); Jute "3,000,030; Sisal grass and other vegetable fibres 4,000,0)0; rags, shoddy, waste, i2,000,000- in all 15.0( 0,(00 instead of II0.000,000. But who of you raises flax for its tibre It is grown in great quantities, but not for its fibre, on the contrary, for its seed. 'The fibre is burned in the open field. The tax of ,'20 per ton merely makes vour linen dear. The like inav be said of jute and sisal grass. You do not grow them, and the tax on them merely takes out of your pocket, it puts nothing in. There are, indeed, 25.000 acres of hemp grown in Ken- tucky, the glorious result of 67 years of protection to hemp! Well, if the hemtp-raisers vote for the tax, we shall not complain; but iou, gentlemen, why do you want your ropes, your twine, and your cordage made dear Possibly, because you love the Kentucky hemp-raisers so, but surely not because it makes for your own advantage. Lastly, rags, shoddy and waste-i2,000,000. This is a comfort to you, gentlemen. You all raise rags in abundance, and the tax of ten cents per pound helps you mightily, by opening a fine market for Xout old clothes. But as the shoddy is used mostly in the clothes you yourselves buy, where is the good to you What T'ariff Refor-m Address of Tr. B. Smith. profit is there in selling to your own tailor at a high price the goods he sells back to you for still more when you get your suit of clothes We come now to the fourth item: Fruits-19,000.000. What fruits Tropical and sub-troltical ones, such as tigs, lenjons, oranges, raisins, dates, pine-apples, along with lites, prunes and Zante currants. Farmers of the West and North-vest, the whole matter is clear-it is competition in raising figs, dates and pine- apples that is ruining you! Can the force of absurd itv any further go None of these products fre grown in your region, most of them can never lie grown protitably in the U. S , until the axis of the earth is tipped uip ten or twenty degrees. Protection is indeed mighty; but not quite equal to elevating the plane of the Equator. As to oranges. and some other southern and California fruits, on which it is proposed to raise the duty, for years the possession of an orange grove has been considered a genuine bonanza. These fruit- growers have long been boasting enormous profits. and now the price is to he raised to increase those prolits, and y-ou are asked to thank the "Principle of TProtection " for making all these delicious articles so dear and putting themn out of the reach of your children Lastly, as to Barley and other cereals. put at `0.(9 i0,(MHi' and Leaf Tobacco at I ,Jfl,(JOO(-the benefit to you is scareely less imaginary, where it is not positive injury. These articles are not imported in competition with home-products, but are of a kind not raised among us, not suited to our soil and climate. It is just as reasonable to protect Nebraska against Virginia toblacco, as Virginia against Cuba leaf. Blut in some eases the tax not only does no good, it does direct harm.; as when 500,00') bushels of wvheat were imported by our farmers for seed. That is the way the Tariff blesses you! b1 making you payl a heavy extra price on your imported seed wheat. Its very blessings are curses. Such is the list of the Chief of the Census. Sueh is the best exhibit he can make of the " protection " given the farmer. Out of 20,.000,000 ok agricultural products imported, against wvhich he claims you are protected(, not over 30,0000,000 are products even apparently in competition with your owhn. rIlle remainder (_220,000,000) was paid for desirable articles, the natural products of other lands, and the tariff - protected" you against them by manking you pay for them. an extra price. This is not all, however. In 18,s9 you exported : Breadstuffs, nearly 121,0)),O0)i; wlat-proimlcts, nearly d9:,,0) ; dairy products, nearly 1 1,000,000; tobacco, nearly 23,000,000; seeds, 45) 46 Tariff Reform Address of Tf. B. Smith. nearly S-,000,000; fruits, over 5,000,000; furs and skins, over 5,0(00,004; hops, nearly ;S,3,000,000 (importing 4,000,000 ); leather and its manufactures, nearly 1 1,o 1t,ioo; sugar ( syrups ) S2,tl4yy,o0 -a total of `28o',fioo,o(o of the very classes of articles against which we are said to be protected. It is plain, then, that this protection has hit wide of the mark. No sale for these products can be secured by raising the price. If we could aftord to make them for foreigners we can afford to make them for ourselves. And yet wve have been importing and exporting at the same time. How and whv The answer is easy. We have been exporting those kinds which we could produce naturally and at an advantage; we have imported those kinds which others could produce more naturally and at greater advantage; and the productions of each working at what he could do best were exchanged with mutual benefit. Such is the uniform procedure of common sense, which not even the most blundering Protection can wholly check or turn entirely aside. But Mr. Rusk isill have none of this. His remedy for agricultural depression is to stop all this international trading, to quit buying of the foreigners and raise all these things ourselves; and he w-ould force us to this by fining every man who buys a foreign cheese, or banana, or date, or orange, or pound of sugar or flax, or piece of ivory. We must raise all these things ourselves; if we cannot raise them at a profit, why, let us raise them at a loss, and tax all around to make up the loss. Raise them, however, we must. Well, suppose we do; suppose w-e all live under our owvn vine and Jig-tree, fatten and slaughter for their tusks our own elephants and rhinoceroses. Suppose that all of Mr. Porter's -25n ,,o-(,oi) is kept at home, paid out to the home-producer. That would he truly glorious. Bnt what about the 2So.or)',onno of exports of these same classes of products When we buy 25y,,ioo,- o4,o less of the foreigner, will he not, must he not, buy so much lest, of us Unquestionablv! It is impossible for him to buy except with what he tells. 1IA lS9 our total foreign commerce was S839., o ,ooo exports and 8774,ooo,ooo imports-an excess in exports of only St5,sooooo; in 1SSi it was S742,ooo,ooo exports against X7S3,i'oo,ooo imports, an excess in imports of 41,oooooo. Thus the beam of trade turns now one way, now the other, but never verv far to either side. The years of greater exports than imports are by no means, however, always the most prosperous years. The year 1873 was a very good one, unusually good up to the last of September,- but the imports exceeded the exports by 5n;or,ooo; the years 1874, '75, '76, '77 were years of great distress, -yet the exports exceeded the imports by 57, 52, 120, 167,--millions. Tariff Reform Address of 11. B. Srmjitht. 47 It is not a sure sign of prosperity for a man to be "selling out." Even, then. if we did decrease our import fiv 2'. millions, it would not mean that we were thriving, it would merely signifv that wve had failed to make a numuber of good bargains. But the actual working would certainly be this: we should dinfinish our sales in about the same measure as our purchases.: we should lose one customer to gain another; wve should produce at great expendi- ture of time, energy, labor. and capital, what we coul i buy at a much less expenditure : the w hole people would be made poorer by the (hiflerence between the values of the products of the same tinle, energy, labor, and capital when naturally and profitably employed, and when unnatuirally and unprotitably employed: a fess favored capitalists wVouldI get enormously rich, but their gains as wvell as the total loss above mentioned would be taken in dillies and nickels from the pockets of the people, under the formi of increased prices for the products under discusslon. Even then, if Mr. Rusk's plan were feasible, as it is not, even if you should raise your own dates and bananas, elephants and ostriches, it would be at the sacrifice of at least an equal amount of far more profitable industry, at the loss of an equal amount of far miore gain-bringing commerce. I pass over the other suggestions and criticisms of AMr. Rusk. Ife thinks you are careless and slovenly and ignorant; that you ought to be as pains-taking with your hundred-acre tields and pastures as the Frenchman or Belgian with his one-aere garden-patel, which wife and daughter keep clean byl) pulling up the weeds: that you are too greedy of land and must reduce the size of your farms-sell oil some to pay off the mortgage: that you need special training in wheat an(l corn raising, that you are behind the times and must turn over a new leaf, niust catcl up;-all these kind and valuable ideas of the Secretary of Agriculture are left for you to consider. Only this question wvoul(l I put to hiili: When did vou, the farmers, fall into these ruinous habits of sloth, extravagance, and old-fogvisnm. which he so tenderly charges upon you And how w0ill a high tariff help you to mend your ways and become like European peasants, after Mr. Rusk's own heart I also pass over the other features of Mr. McKinley's bill, such as the increase in the duty on tin-plates, which are not made in this country, and on carpet-wools, which can not be grown here. Suffice it, that even Philadelphia Republican journals, and in fact the bet- ter journals of his own party everywhere, acknowledge it to be simply scandalous, drawn up utterly without regard to the interests of the people at large, in every section framed for the advantage of some special class and sometimes of private individuals (as of the 4S Tarqf Ref r;n Address of IV. B. ASemith. Pittsburgh firm, that thinks it can make tin-plates profitably, if allowed, by increased tariff. to extort a price high enough), out of whom the "fat wvas fried" to carry the election of 1888, and out of whom still more must be "fried" in 1892: that its pretence of "apply- ing the principle of protection" to the farmers by taxing imports of articles that he rarely imports, but on the contrary exports, is not only idle vaporing. but is also an offense to his intelligence, an insult to his common sense. You, gentlemen, farmers of the west, this infamous bill proposes to take out snipe-hunting; but I suspect that your confidence has been abused once too often. TIHE WA(;ES ARGUMENT. All sorts of fallacies flourish in the garden of the protectionist. Some are very specious and plausible, some are grotesque and trans- parent. Among all, perhaps the most amusing. as wvell as the imost serviceable, is the claimi that the manufacturer must be "protected," so as to miake high profits in order to enable him to pay high Aw-ages. This precious argument (') assumes that if able to pay high wages, he wvill also be Awilling to (1o it: that when he can, then also he will. But is this a fact Jay Gould is doubtless able to pan a dollar for having his boots blackened; but does he do it'. By no means! Ile pays his nickel, like a little man. And wvhat do the manufacturers They import the "paulper labor' of Europe, Italians and IIungarians, to displace at lower prices, their own countrymen, in the mines. at the furnaces and the spindle; they pocket the proceeds of every rise in price, they scale down wages on the slightest pretext. Are they peculiar in this Is it not a familiar fact that the rich drive as hard bargains as their poorer fellows Such is the all-grasping greed of soulless corporations, such the grinding Oppression of protected employers. that they are periodically at war with their workmen, whose only defense of their own rights, whose only assertion of their own manhood is found in that blind boomerang, the "strike." When was any advance of wages in any protected industry, obtained except by strong compulsion- How are wage-rates maintained except by eternal vigilance on the part of trades-unions Is it not wvell-known that the average of wvages in the protected induistries is considerably below the average in the unprotected If it he possible for any one to hesitate in answering these questions, let such a one consider this single official fact: Bv the U. S. census of ]ISO the total -value of manufactures was i5.340,000,000 ; the total amount paid in wages was S,94S.000,000 'not quite lS per cent ofthe total prodluct. In the most highly protected of all states. Pennsyl- vania, the product was 745.ooo.ooo, the Avages only '134ooo,o(o,- Tarif Reform Address of W. B. Snmitk. not 18 per cent. This means that on the average only w18 was paid in wages for making 100 worth; the other S;2 was cost of materials, profits, etc. However, the average duty was was 47 per cent.; that is, 100 worth, in foreign market, cost 147 when imported; or 6S worth, cost 100 when imported; or the increased price was S932 in every 100. Now protection holds that the tariff is needed to compensate for the difference in wages in Europe and in the United States. But while the total wvages is only 18, the tariff is 332. Now suppose the wages here to be twice as high as in Europe; then the difference will be 9 in the 100, but the tariff is 32!' Even suppose the wages here to be thrice as high as in Europe; then the difference will he 12, but the tariff is 32! Both thes suppositions are extravagant. Wages are not 50 per cent. higher in the United States; the differ- ence is not so much as f ,, but the tariff is 32' The tariff is in fact fully six times as high as would be needed to compensate the utmost difference in wages. Even if the manufacturer in Europe paid no wages at all, the wages here would raise the price by only SiS in 100; but the tariff raises it by 32!! If now you still think that the present duties, whether needed or not,are used by the manufacturer, not to enrich himself, but for the good of his workmen, read this specimen extract from a stanch Republican High Tariff journal. the Philadelphia Enquirer, of Mlarch 28, 1890: " FIVE HUNDRED WVEAV- ERS STRIKE. They refuse to accept starvation prices from the mill owners. The weavers held a meeting at 2434 Kensington Avenue yesterday, and adopted resolutions declaring that the wages they are asked by the firm to accept are not sufficient to Keep-body and soul together, or to provide even a moderately comfortable iup- port for their families." The duties on textiles are very high, some- times running up to 150 per cent.: the mill-owner begs for them, he must have them, to "-enable" him to pay-"starvation" wages. It is necessary to have infinite patience in fighting the sophisms of Protection; only the steady rain of argument, the continual dew of persuasion,can soften and dissolve the hard and stubborn prejudices lodged in the minds of honest and intelligent men. But the philan- thropic pretenses of the merciless protected classes, who insist that they are gorging themselves with high prices for their products, not in order to fatten themselves-no, bless you! never!-but that, peli- can-like, they merely chew up the high prices in order to feed out the same to their dearly beloved workman-these gross and shame- less hypocrisies it seems an offense to truth and honor and man- hood. to expose by serious or respectful reasoning; they must be blasted by the lightning of indignation. 49) 50 Tariff Reform Addre&8 of W. B. Smith. TABLE OF PRODUCTS AND PRICES OF BESSEMER STEEL RAILS. Average price per Year. N et t on s N e t tolIs gross tosi. Extra price made in U.S. i mported. in V. S. . I in Eng. paid in V. S. 181 3831-H __ _ 91.70 37.70 34.00 1872 94((A) 15(00 9.170 67.30 32.40 1873 129N)00) 16(0160000 9.1 5.9.0 7 4.40 21.50 1874 1450C0) 1010100 847 0 7.7. 27.20 1875 291(O) 18000 o0 -0 44.10 15.60 1876 412000 None o3 10 37.70 1 15.40 1877 432000 None 43.0 31.X9) ll.6) 187X 53000 None 41 .0 '7.20 14.50 1879 68400 25000 48. 20 24.70 23 '50 180o '54000 15809)0i 6 j..O5 36.09 31.50 1881 13300(Y0 249000 61-f1) :31.20 29.90) 1882 1438000 182(000 48 -..0 30.00 18. l50 1883 12-86)0W. 3.-220 375 2.540 __12:33- This enormous tax imposed on railway construction, and thjere- by on shippers of produce, that is, on farmers, in this extra price, is only a small part of the burden which the iron industry of Pennsvl- vania lays on the whole country. From the pamphlet of 3Mr. Swank, general manager of the American Iron and Steel Association, Phila- delphia, 18 it appears that from '7S to 'S7, ten years, the average price of foundry iron in Philadelphia was about 22 per ton, in Great Britain it was about 13 per ton ;-a lifference of A. or. freight counted in. S7 per ton. Of bar-iron the price in Philadelphia was about S50 per ton; in England about 536 per ton-a difference of 14 per ton, a difference which grows as the grade of iron rises. The United States consumed in the ten years nearly 60,000,000 tons: at the very lowest rate of difference, 7 per ton, here was paid an extra price of 42"1,000,000! Of steel the consumption was over 20.000.000 tons; the average prices were 44 per ton in the United States and 30 in Great Britain-a difference of 14 per ton. Take off the 7 already allowed in the iron reckoning, and there remains a differ- ence of S7 per ton on 2(1,000,000 tons, that is of 8140,000,0t0-and a total of 560,000,000 paid in ten years as extra price of iron and steel. An average of 56,000,000 per year! But the evil grows huger as the industry grows. Thus in the one year, 18,7. the extra price ran up to SO.000,000! flow much of this fabulous sum was needed to pay high wages In ISSO the whole number engaged in this iron industry was put at 203,000 earning 363 yearly each, about 75,000,000. A high estimate for 1S,7 would be 300.000 at. 400 yearly. This over-estimate would yield 120,W00.000. Accordingly, giving the iron-men the benefit of every doubt in the calculation, we see the people of the Union paid them an extra price of 80,000,- Tarif Reform Address of TV. B. Smith. 51 000 to enable them to pay their workmen merely ordinary, scarcely ordinary, wages,-S1.30 per day. That is, the employers paid their laborers 43 cents per day, the people paid the other two-thirds, 87 cents per day! Of this -1),000,000 drained in one year, by one industry, from the pockets of the users of iron. as the extra price of protection-how many millions were poured into the money-pools of the manufacturers, how many ran to waste in supporting badly and unnaturally situated foundries and furnaces, we neither know nor care :-for us it suffices that iS0,0'iO,O00, at least two-thirds of the whole amount of wages, was the extra price paid for protecting iron-an infant industry, over one hundred years old! CONCLUSION . The fiction that prosperity and contentment have been brought to the Continent of Europe has already been exposed in the case of France, Germany and Russia; and a letter from Mantua. under date of March 2s, IS9fJ, written to the N.ATION, with no reference to our political or economical issues, thus vividlv describes the happiness of Italy under high tariff. "This country at the present is in a dismal financial plight. Land and income are overburdened with taxation; every article ot common necessity is taxed. The rupture of commercial treaties has ruined many industries, banks have gone under, manufactories and industrial establishments failed. The city of Milan, one of the of the wealthiest in the kingdom, has hard work to assist its disoccupied workmen. 'rhe entire population, rich and poor, aristo- cratic and ultra-democratic citizens, are straining their every nerve to help them; the king has just sent 10,(00 francs from his own purse. But the fact is, the utter stagnation in the industrial and commercial world cannot cease as long as the enormous burden of taxation continues to weigh on the entire country."-Such are the delights of the " Home-Market " bought by ' rupture of commer- cial treaties' ' Surely the blessings which twenty years of Protec- tion have brought to Italy are 'blessings in disguise"; and the "disguise " is perfect. And now, having looked on that picture, look on this. In spite of the approaching exhaustion of some of her mineral resources, England for the last two years (even the Globe-Democrat admits it), has been "booming." Mr. Goschen's last budget shows a surplus of 15,000,000 in the treasury-a surplus accumulated without taxing a single '"commnon necessitys" except tea, whereas we tax indirectly, thro the tariff-and heavily tax,-nearly every one: and now Mr. Goschen proposes to reduce the tariff-tax on tea "for revenue 52 Tariff Reform Address of W. B. Smith. only," fiom 12 cents to S cents per pound, whereas McKinley pro- poses to increase greatly the taxes on nearly everything in sigbt- his motto being like that of the Celt at the fair-" whenever you see a necessary of life, tax it as hard as it will bear." Moreover, while we, having ruined our marine commerce and swel.t our flag from the seas by protection, are preparing to restore them by subsidies, by hiring a few rich men to run ships under the American flag on pretense of carrying United States mail, lo ! the English postal receipts are S5OI.O greater than all the expenses. including all payments made to the ocean-mail lines. Finally. the doctrine of Commercial Freedom here advocated teaches that the human race is an organism, a highly complicated one, where each part has its own duty to perform and that the greatest happiness and the most rapid improvement. especially of the gifted and mighty. like ourselves, are to be attained by perfecting this organism. by each one doing that which he can do best, by serving the whole world. and at the same time making the whole world serve him, by administering. thro his own industry, to the entire earth from pole to equator. and at the same tilme laying all regions, the nearest and the remotest, under contribution to his own comfort and enjoyment. This is the very core and centre of modern Industrial civilization. this is the priceless boon of applied science, the double blessing of Steam and Electricity, which has conquered Time and abolished Space.-which scatters our own products to the poles, to the tropics. and pours out the treasures of every zone at our own threshold,-which contracts the earth to the grasp of our fingers, and expands our own workshop till it covers the planet. Such is Progress. Such is Common sense. Such is Civilization. Such is Christianity. But what does the prevailing Protection. the doctrine of commercial restriction, teach and what does it promise Lucklyv we have its own words to quote. as found in one of its own organs, the Citli en. of Iowa. under date of April 23. "In our opinion, the farmer owes it to himself to adopt such a line of policy as will make him self-sustaining. and enable him, if necess;arv, to live independent of all the world." Precisely I Beho:d. gentlemen, the consummation. the ripened fruit of Protection. What a cheer- ing prospect spread out before you' What a land of Canaan you are invited to enter and conquer: Only be "self-sustaining "! Live "independent of all the world": Spin vour own varn. weave your jeans and linsev, cobble your own shoes. hammer out your own hoes and shovels, frame your own bedsteads. press out your own wine, grow your own figs and oranges and bananas, raise your own cod-fish, camels and elephants. In a word. go back to the Middle Ages. nay further. to the dawn of human :ociety. A Tariff Reform Address of W1'. B. Smith. 3 glorious privilege this-" of being independent ": Don't you see that Civilization and Wealth and Progress are a fraud, a delusion, and a snare that they do not render it possible for one to be 'self- sustaining," or to live "independent of all the world" On the contrary, do they not make you daily more and more inter-depend- ent Think of the wretched inhabitants of New York, of London, of Paris, of Berlin-these centres of civilized life. Don't you see how far from " self-sustaining' "they are How miserably depend- ent on every land and sea. on every tribe and tongue, on every wind and wave and climate Compare with them that genuinely happy and "self-sustaining" gentleman, Mr. Robinson Crusoe, who for 27 years dwelt on a desolate island, pursuing a strictly protective line of policy," living independent of all the world." He. of all men. is the classic model. the perfect exemplar, after whom the High Tarifffrankly bids you pattern. Is it not as plain as twvo and two make five, that Steam and Electricity, all mechanical inventions and scientific appliances, are mere devices of the devil to rob you-of your primeval independence and entangle you inextricably in the all-encompassinig d3eath-web of modern civilization Does not your Asaving conimon-sense," as Speaker Reed calls it, tell you that it is folly to let any one do for you what you can, by any means, do for vourself that it is wanton waste to buv prints at 5 cents a yard when y-our wife and daughters might weave all you need at lioine and for nothing that it is reckless extravagance to pax the foreigner 4 cents a pound for sugar when you yourself by- proper eftfrt" might raise your own sorghum cane or your own grove of maples for nothings Surely no one man can dispute that the straight road to riches is for everv one to work like the devil and not spend a cent, for every one to sell continually and not buy at all, for every one to supply all his own needs and to dispose of his sur- plus not in trade, vhich is civilization and nonsense, but for cash, to supply the needs of his fellows. This is " saving common-sense," and the man who doubts it would perhaps deny that the ' sun do move," or that the earth, which has " four corners," is square. And why should we, sons of "independence," let the South American impoverish us by selling us bananas at ten cents a dozen when we might raise them, under proper protection, in our own hot-houses. for a dollar apiece Why degrade ourselves and compromise our dignity by trading at all with such low-bred foreigners, paupers and barbarians IDoes not all historv warn the rich and strong and intelligent to shun the poor and weak and ignorant as a viper )o not the latter always get the better of the former fleece them, hoodwink them. send them away naked and empty Has not England been humbled, weakened, impoverished by such commerce with her inferiors in both hemispheres, and reduced by degrees 54 TIrif Reform As dress of W. B. Swith. from a "a right little tight little island" to a mere Emnire encircling the globe with its drum-beat and supreme on every sea Have not we ourselves been well-nigh ruined by bargaining in land and furs with "ILo' the poor Indian " Has he not traded us out of half a continent. And shall we, the strongest, richest, mightiest, most daring, energetic and intelligent race that ever trod this "orbed round." shall we, the very royal blood of Humanity, shall we have any commerce or intercourse with inferior peoples who would plunder us at pleasure, and cheat our very eves out Never! As, well might you expect a WVall Street "bear " to have any dealing with a " lamb " from the country, or a highly protected lion to cul- tivate acquaintance with a defenseless sheep-fold. And now does some genuine patriot, some large-hearted lover of the whole country, some broad-minded statesman, complain that this argument, from beginning to end, is sectional, that its speech bewrayeth it, exhibiting on every page intense anti-eastern feeling Such undoubtedly is the outward seeming. Yet beyond contradic- tion the writer entertains no pre judice against the East whatever. Man by man, he will readily concede the Atlantic slope to be fully and in every respect a fair match for the Mississippi Valley. It is the accursed Tariff which has kept sentry, like one of Clerk Maxwell's "demons," on the crest of the Appalachians, and sorted our people according to hateful and hate-engendering principles. It is Protection which arrays producer and consumer over against each oither, which partitions the Union by lines of latitude and of longitude, which alienates the sections and begets the sharpest antagonism of classes. It is High Tariff' commercial restriction, which forbids all men to be brethren, which would make each one an Ishmael-his hand against every man, and every man's hand against him: which is rapidly solidifying the West in artificial hostilitv to the East. Neither will the writer confess to anv unfriendliness toward the millionaire as an individual member of society, however he may regard the concentration of vast riches in a few hands as a fatal omen, pregnant with ruin for the Republic. As men the wealthy on the average are neither much better nor much worse than their poorer fellows. It is the protective system which has heated to seven-fold fare the furnace of the lust for gold by offering premiums and un- heard-of bountiesto any "producer" who would undertake to "1devel- ope the resources of the country by overcharges exacted by law from the consumer. It is Indirect Taxation which weights the manv and wings the few in the race for vealth. Yet it is "we the people'' who have willed both the one and the other. "W here the Tarigf Reform Adldress of TV. B. Smith. 55 carcase is, there will the eagles be gathered together." ' ands w-ill never be wanting to pick the goose which insists on a picking. Which of us would not accept graciously, or at least with resigna- tion, the opportunities for accumulation which the prevailing-nay, almost eyclusive-class-legislation at Washington thrusts upon the moneyed men of the Seaboard Even the deeply pious and highly protective and stalwart Republican Globe-Democrat admits, avows that Hitherto the great body of the legislation adopted by C on- gress has been in the especial interest of the region east of the Alleghanv Mountains "-a sentence, from a recent editorial worth a year's subscription to the "' Great Religious Daily." It is the infamous svstenm that we attack, rather than its beneficiaries. It might not have been ' spiritual " but it was certainly " natural for them to take advantage of our Western simplicity and good- heartedness; and after all, there is a good deal of human " nature ' about a man, even tho he be a Pennsvlvanian.