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Old house on the hill : a brief historical sketch issued as a souvenir / by Coleman Randolph. Randolph, Coleman. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images University of Kentucky, Electronic Information Access & Management Center Lexington, Kentucky 2002 b92-47-26953466 Electronic reproduction. 2002. (Beyond the shelf, serving historic Kentuckiana through virtual access (IMLS LG-03-02-0012-02) ; These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Old house on the hill : a brief historical sketch issued as a souvenir / by Coleman Randolph. Randolph, Coleman. Morristown, N.J. : [s.n.], 1921.  p. : ill. ; 33 cm. Coleman "Necrology" of the Marshall family: p.  Microfilm. Atlanta, Ga. : SOLINET, 1992. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (SOLINET/ASERL Cooperative Microfilming Project (NEH PS-20317) ; SOL MN02169.07 KUK) Printing Master B92-47. IMLS This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. Washington (Ky.) United States History Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. Marshall, Thomas, 1730-1802. Marshall family. z 0 j 0 W P 14 0b gouge on tje JtiW A BRIEF HISTORICAL SKETCH ISSUED AS A SOUVENIR [B COLEMAN RANDOLPH MORRISTOWN NEW JERSEY 1921 Copyrighted 1921 By COLEMAN RANDOLPH Morristown, New Jersey Printed by the MORRIS COUNTY PRESS Morristown., New Jersey 3refate no N writing this little sketch which is in- tended to serve as a souvenir of an old historic land mark, it is found neces- sary to review certain events of that epoch. The "Old House on the Hill" possesses more than a mere personal interest due to its age and the primitive conditions which existed at the time of its foundation. For this reason it is deemed appropriate to take a birdseye sur- vey of the stirring incidents of that period. A casual examination will suffice to show that the life of the Old House was interwoven with some of the most thrilling and important events of American History; that it was in fact an out- post, a point of observation during a critical period when premature disorganization and dis- ruption of the national government was threatened. This page in the original text is blank. Jntroburtion HIS is not an age in which one can safely trust to tradition to preserve the records of the past. A few words to explain the purpose of the illus- trations contained in this publication, therefore, may not be amiss. The "House on the Hill" or "Federal Hill" as it was formerly called, was in the early days of our Country, one of the bul- warks which marked the frontier of the United States west of the Alleghanies. The house is built of brick manufactured in the neighborhood. It was a substantial structure and made to with- stand a siege. A brief description of the conditions that existed in the United States at the time the house was built will give a better idea of the part it played in the National Life. The Old House served as a headquarters for loyal patriots to assemble as well as a frontier post. At the time it was built danger lurked in the foreign intrigues which threatened the free navigation of the Mississippi and also the peace- ful possession of our western domains from the Ohio River to the Lakes. Internal disaffection moreover required attention. Lawless characters chafed at the supineness of the new Federal Gov- ernment in guarding their rights against foreign agression, while with-holding from the Govern- ment the support necessary to give it proper vigo! to assert itself. The social agitator was ever ready to work upon this seething element of discontent. These observations serve to re- call to mind the chaotic mass out of which our Government was composed, while taking shape under the master hands of Empire Builders. This page in the original text is blank. 0 04 -4: EI z 0aE 0 I Hj .Z This page in the original text is blank. z Z o 0 X: a Q a C 0: X ax = R E d Z XA ER X 4 This page in the original text is blank. "abeetbjous.e on twebiu" HE Village of Washington, Ky., calmly reposes among the hills of northern Kentucky several miles from the Ohio River in what is known as the "Blue Grass" region. A stranger traveling through the country would hardly be tempted to delay his journey to make extended inquiry about the town, which, at first acquaintance, would strike one as modest and commonplace. In the midst of the village, located upon a small elevation which overlooks the immediate neigh- borhood, is an old brick house which has the appearance, in spite of its dilapidation and age, of having seen better days. A long sweep of lawn extending a considerable distance in several directions seems to forbid the encroachments of the squalid hovels and modern dwellings that have sprung up in later years. Formerly a hand- some grove of locust trees adorned the slopes that nature graded up to the Old Mansion, but they have yielded to the decaying process of time which leaves them only a memory of the past. Not far from the Old House, about a stone's throw, is a little cemetery where repose some J N the year 1783 Col. Thomas Marshall received from the State of Virginia the title of Surveyor of Kentucky County. This County originally comprised a very large section of the country. It was soon after divided into other counties. The name was finally given to the state when it was created. Col. Thomas Marshall and that part of his family which located in Kentucky acquired con- siderable real estate even for that era. The to- tal amount acquired was about 500,000 acres. Soon after his appointment, Col Marshall organ- ized a small party and shouldering his rifle left generations of those who first established the Old House and the estate which formerly sur- rounded it. It is hardly necessary to say that the "Old House on the Hill," by which name the mansion is familiarly known, has a history. (a) The most interesting part of that history cannot be told because those who knew it in its best days are taking the "sleep that knows no waking." The stranger wandering about the village should be on his guard against some unpleasant reminder of pioneer days. When the country was being settled, occasionally the prudent back- woodsman dug a well inside of his cabin to pro- vide against a cruel want in case he should be besieged and forced to defend himself. There was no means of forecasting when the savage, brooding over his wrongs, might "dig up the hatchet" and painting himself in hideous colors indicative of his purpose, make an attack upon the unsuspecting settler. After the dangers of Indian warfare disappeared and the old cabins were abandoned, the wells still remained and were sometimes discovered in the streets merely covered with boards. the more settled regions east of the Alleghanies to take possession of his new estate. Starting out on its career the Government at Washington, D. C., found it sufficiently diffi- cult to stand on its feet without trying to enforce writs of ejectment against the "Red Skins" of the wilderness. The savages thought they had a proscriptive right against all comers. If a cloud rested upon the title, which, according to their way of thinking meant possession and a (a) It waas sometimes called "Federal Hill" on ac- count of the political proclivities of Captain Marshall. 'The Marshall Family," by Wm. DC l'axtor, p. 49. Talanct Z 4outas ifara4att hand strong enough to retain it, it was due to the fact that most of the region now known as the state of Kentucky was formerly a debatable hunting ground where the Northern and South- em Indians often met in pursuing their pastime of the chase. (a) This diversion was sometimes varied by strife among themselves. In keeping with this tradition was the name of the state. This was of Indian origin and was first given to a river known as "Kentucke," which signifies bloody water, and is rather suggestive of its savage christening. There has been some dispute respecting the reason which influenced Col. Marshall and his sons to penetrate the wilderness and locate in Kentucky. The spirit of adventure which ani- mated many in those days might be assigned as the impelling motive; a desire to settle in a region which was destined to become of great importance and where land could be obtained for practically nothing. It has also been stated that policy and patriotic motives dictated their actions. It seemed that a vigilant eye was re- quired on the frontier to observe the course of events and a masterful mind to inspire a senti- ment of loyalty. The following correspondence between Col. Thomas Marshall and Washington throws con- siderable light on this subject. On February 12, 1789, Col. Marshall wrote a letter to Washington in which he speaks of an interview between General Wilkinson and the Spanish Government at New Orleans, afterwards published by General Wilkinson. The Governor requested General Wilkinson to write him a letter "respecting the political interests of Spain and the Americans inhabiting the western waters. This he did in an essay, as he calls it. Col. Marshall continues as follows: "I saw the Governor's letter to him acknowledging receipt of it, and informing him he would lay it before the King of Spain; a copy of this essay he pro- duced and read in our late convention for' the district; as well as my memory (which is not very accurate) serves me, the substance of it is as follows: "He urges our natural right of fol- lowing the current of rivers flowing through the country into the sea. He states the extent of our country etc., proper for foreign markets, to which we have no means of conveying them, should the Mississippi be closed against us. He states the advantages Spain might derive from allowing us the free use of the river. He states the general abhorrence with which the people of the western waters received the intelligence that Congress was about to sacrifice their dear- est interest by ceding to Spain the navigation of the Mississippi for twenty or thirty years and re- presents it as a fact that they were on the point of separating themselves from the Union on that account." "He addresses himself to their fears by a pompous display of forces, etc. "Great Britain stands with her arms expanded ready to receive us" and assist our efforts for the accom- plishment of this object, etc." "This essay was, I am told, laid before the Court of Madrid; and as a violent separation from the United States seems to be laid down as the ground work upon which every other con- sequence depends, I think it probably has pro- duced instructions from the court to the repre- sentative at Congress that if the westward country should declare itself separate from the Union, to avail himself of the event etc." (But- ler's History of Kentucky, p. 519). The following passage occurs in a letter written in reply to Col. Marshall, March 27, 1789 by Washington: "It is true I had previously received some verbal and written information on the subject of a similar tenor, but none which placed the affairs in such an alarming point of view as that in which I now behold.'g/" To explain the situation more fully it is nec- essary to recall the conditions existing in the United States when the National Government was being formed and the parts of its great (a) Speaking of Kentucky occurs the following pa-sage in Collins' History of Kentucky: "The dark forests and cane thickets separated the Cherokees. Creeks and Catawbas of the South from the Shawnees, Delawares and Wyandots of the North. (Collins History, Vol. 1, p. 247) This page in the original text is blank. COLONEL THOMAS MARSHALL MARY RANDOLPH KIETH MARSHALL WIFE OF COLONEL THOMAS MARSHALL This page in the original text is blank. widespread domain representing so many and diverse political units were being knit together. The wild and inhospitable character of that re- gion must be understood to form a correct im- pression of the hardships and difficulties that had to be borne. (a) general (64ararter of t4e Country at 07lat 1priob A SHORT recital of some of the inci- dents of this period will give a better idea of the actual state of things in that part of the Country. In the year 1775 occurred the Braddock Massacre near Fort Duquesne, not far from the present city of Pittsburg, but far to the eastward of the town of Washington, Ky. The battle of the "Blue Licks" a few miles east of Washington was fought in 17(2, where the whites lost sixty men, about one-tenth of the fighting population of the State. (b) It is said that in 1768 an ex- plorer by the name of John Finley did not find one white man's cabin in all of Kentutky. Even as late as 1810, Wilson, a naturalist, speaking of Lexington, Ky., writes: "Within the memory of a middle-aged man who gave me the information there were only two log huts on the spot where the city is now erected, while the surrounding country was a wilderness rendered hideous by skulking bands of bloody and ferocious Indians." (c) In fact, it was even thought expedient in certain quarters to delay the development of that region. It was the policy of Lord Hills- borough to prevent colonization and hold the country through the friendship of the Natives. (d) Washington, actuated by a more progress- ive spirit, had ideas of colonizing this section. (e) In 1784, he made a tour through the re- gion west of the Alleghanies. (f) No less important, it is necessary to appre- ciate the character of the former occupants of the Old House and the part they played in the early history of the country, as well as the spirit which animated them in their devotion to the new Government and its ideals. At the end of the Revolutionary War when the welcome news was spread abroad that the struggle with the Mother Country had ended in the emancipation of the Colonies from her do- minion, the joyful tidings were soon marred by the realization of the formidable obstacles yet to be overcome. Each colony had a tradition and a history of its own; an individuality, so to speak, which it had no intention of ycldmng. To understand their feelings it would he neces- sary to go back to the first settlers who estab- lished them and follow their history through their rivalries and political conflicts to the time when it was plainly evident that a new combi- nation was necessary for mutual protection to take the place of the royal Government from which they had separated. Social equality had already begun to manifest itself but had not been clearly defined in a political sense; religious tolerance, or perhaps indifference, characterized the sentiment of the day and religious differences had not for a considerable period disturbed the peace of the Colonies, in either a political or personal sense; in fact, there had succeeded the religious discord of an earlier period in certain quarters, a tendency to free thinking and agnos- ticism; a disposition to question all authority, whether religious or political. The Mother Country frequently left the Colonists to shift for themselves which developed a spirit of inde- pendence to which the frontiersman had already become accustomed. (a) Kentucky was regarded as a hunting ground by tacit agreement and "reserved from perma- nent occupation." (Butler's History of Ken- tucky. introduction. p. XIII.) "As late as the peace of Aix La Chapelle In 1784, the Western country of the British Col- onies was in the possession of the native tribes, undisturbed by the white man." (But- Ier's History of Kentucky, introduction. p. XIII.) "The exploration of Boone in 1769 and Knox in .70 -lyr henes considered worthy of notice." (Collins' History of Kentucky, V.Io. 1, p. 248.) (b) International Enclyclopedia, Vol. 13, p. 182. (c) Wilson, Vol. 1, p. LXXXIIII. (d) Bancroft, Vol. 6, p. 222. (e) Bancroft, Vol. 6, p. 350. (f) Spark's Washington, Vol. 1, p. 408. It is readily seen that a disposition had de- veloped in the Colonies which invited trouble the moment a narrow-minded despot sought to hold the reins of control over the colonies with too tight a hand. This state of mind, after the successful revolt of the Colonies, intensified by the ordeal of war, threatened to render abortive all attempts to form a National Government and to wreck it after it was formed. A better idea might be formed of the un- settled state of affairs when it is recalled that as late as 1804 the Burr expedition was organized in this locality giving some anxiety to the au- thorities. It is doubtful if it ever will be known what was the real object of the venture, but the loose ties of allegiance which held the early settlers to the Federal Government gave occasion in certain quarters to a great deal of uneasiness. The general opinion entertained of the organizcr of the expidition by no means helped to allav a feeling of uneasiness. It is significant of the pre- carious character of the period that Aaron Burr, who organzied this expedition missed securing the office of President of the United States by a narrow margin. In this connection it seemed appropriate to review the dangers that were menacing the newly formed Government of the United States. There was solicitude concerning suspected British intrigues to alienate from their allegiance the people of Kentucky, who were apprehensive about the free navigation of the Mississippi River. "Affairs in the western country wore an unfavorable aspect. The people of Kentucky were looking with a great deal of solicitude to the result of the pending negotiation respecting the navigation of the Mississippi and it would seem that the British at the North thought that this was a good opportunity to tempt them with secret propositions and to try the strength of their fidelity; and the Spaniards of the South were equally ready to scatter the seed of dis- affection and to encourage in the inhabitants of the West a separation from the Federal Govern- ment." The following observations of Washington indicated the feeling of apprehension that posses- sed him respecting the future of the Western Country. "There is nothing which binds one country or one state to another but interest. Without this cement the Western inhabitants, who more than probably will be composed in a great degree of foreigners, can have no predi- lection for us, and a commercial connection is the only tie we can have upon them." (a) The possibility of a new political division being created that might prove a thorn in the side of the American Government is here clearly set forth. New arrivals from Europe could have no tradition in common with the earlier settlers, and in many cases not even racial ties; but the attachment to the principle of a free Government was not at that time sufficiently realized. The forecast was more gloomy than the facts war- ranted. The principle of the free representative Government was a leaven that had already be- gun to wo;k and in time was destined to make its influence felt among peoples and nations where the idea at that time was hardly known. While powerful European Governments were playing a game of political intrigue, in which at a later period the infant Hercules of the West took a hand, the vast undeveloped territories of the New World being the stakes, an incident occurred, quite as amusing as it was pathetic, which recalled to mind the aborigine despoiled of his birth-right. An explorer by the name of Gist went over the Alleghanies in 1751 on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company. He met an Indian who said that their great men, The Beaver, and Captain Appamaquish (two chiefs of the Delawares) desired to know where the Indian land lay, for the French claimed all on one side of the Ohio and the English on the other. The savage was considered quite as ser- (a) "Stated on good authority that if Kentucky would form an independent commonwealth, it light hab e special privileges from Spain on the MississIppi River." (Collins History of Ken- tucky, p. 37.) Col. Marshall was decided and uncompromis- ing in his opposition to separation. (Collins' History of Kentucky, Vol. 1., p. 269. Spark's Washington, Vol. 9, p. 473. See also letter to H. Innes. See also letter to R. H. Lee relative to com- mer(e- on the Mississippi. (Spark's Washington. Vol. 9, p. 119.) e00 00 0: t ::0:: :::f f:: 0 This page in the original text is blank. -0AARON BURR 0 This page in the original text is blank. iously as some wild beast, disturbed in its lair. (a) The native had an undefined idea of his rights without any conception of legal principles which could reduce them to a certainty and pro- vide a remedy for their violation. To continue his mode of life would necessarily condemn vast areas to the condition of a primeval wilderness so that he might enjoy the pastime of the chase. It would require a despotic authority like that of William the Conquerer, sustained by the power of a feudal state, to perpetuate this state of things against the wishes of a civilized com- munity. (b) If further evidence is essential to prove the critical conditions that existed in this region, it is sufficient again to refer to Washington's own statement: "The Western States (I speak from my own observations) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They have looked down upon the Mississippi until the Spaniards, very imprudently, I think, for themselves, threw diffi- culties in their way." etc. (c) (a) Neither the French nor the British seemed to regard the paramount rights of the aborigine any further than military policy might dictate. (Butler's History of Kentucky. intro. XIX.) (b) Thiry's Norman Conquest, V.I. (c) Spark's Washington, Vol. 9, p. 63. (d) This was 1785. Collin's History of Ken ky. Vol. 2, p. 562. (e) The story would not be complete without giv- ing some idea of the kind of neighbors the frontiersmen had to deal with. The following account given by Dr. Knight of the execution of Colonel Crawford, who, with himself was captured by the Indians, will serve as an illus- tration. "When we were come to the fire, the Colonel was stripped naked, ordered to sit down by the fire, and they beat him with sticks and their fists. - I They then tied ropes to the top of a post about fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel's hands behind We back and fastened the rope to the ligature beLwen his wrists. The rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk around the post once or twice and return the same way. The Colonel then called to Girty and asked if they intended to burn him. Girty answered "Yes." The Col- onel said he would take it all patiently. Upon this, Captain Pipe, a Delaware Chief, made a speech to the Indians. 5 When the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous, and hearty assent to what had been said. The Indians then took up their guns and shot powder Into the Colonel s body, from his feet as far up as his neck, They then crowded about him and to the best of my observation, cut off his ears, c. The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which the Col- onel was tied; it was made of small hickory poles, burnt quite thru in the middle, each end of the poles remaining about six feet in length. Three or four Indians by turns would take up It is not difficult to understand why ri'ers and navigable waters were the favorite means of traveling in the old pioneer days; the scarcity of roads of any kind, the dangers and privations of the wilderness were serious obstacles. During this period flat-bottom boats were employed on the Ohio River to carry passengers and freight. Wheeling, West Virginia, was often chosen as a point of embarkation. Precaution had to be taken to guard against shots fired by an enemy from the river banks. For this purpose the sides were constructed sufficiently high and solid to serve as a protection against injury. Capt. Thomas Marshall made use of this means of transportation going West. Before taking his departure, he was warned by a brother of Simon Girty, the notorious out-law and rene- gade, against a stratagem the Indians were likely to make use of. (d) White captives were some- times sent lo the river banks to implore help. If the unsuspecting crew drew sufficiently near the shore where the savages were lying in am- bush, they were in danger of a murderous attack. (e) individually one of these burning pieces of wood and apply it to his naked body, already burned black with Powder. These tormentors presented themselves on every side of him so that every way he ran around the post they met him with the burning fagots and Poles so that in a short time he had nothing but coals of fire and hot ashes to walk upon. Colonel Crawford, at this period of his sufferings, besought the Almighty to have mercy on his soul and spoke very low and bore his torments with the most manly forti- tude. He continued in all the extr mities of pain for one hour and three-quarters longer. as near as I can judge, when at last being almost spent, he lay down on his belly; they then scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp In my face telling me "that was my great Captain." Incidents of Border Life, p. 134. This presents the terrible side of the Indian character. It is only fair to state that on a former occasion when a hostile move was con- templated against the savages, Colonel Craw- ford is said to have made the declaration that "no Indian was to be spared, friend or foe; every redman must die." (J. M. Browne's Ora!ion. t'enennial Battle Blue Licks, p. 12.) ii, the l'arder of civi llzation where there could be no orderly administration of justice, the sav7age of the stone age gratified his love of revenge without restraint. With few excep- tions th' only change that had been wrought in his condition, since the time of LaSalle. whi. was the first white man to traverse the country from the Lakes to the Gulf, was the substitu- tion of the rifle, the steel tomahawk and the scalping knife in place of the crude Imple- ments he formerly used. Instances might be given to show the better side of his nature. but one could never be certain whether he was to deal with Dr. Jeckel or Mr. Hyde. The warning was given Capt. Thomas Mar- shall in requittal of an act of kindness which he performed for Simon Girty on a previous occa- sion. During the French and Indian War an English officer for some reason was going to have Girty flogged but through Capt. Marshall's interference the punishment was not irnfhcted. Girty remembered the friendly act anew adopted this means of returning the favor. A tho Girty abandoned the association of his own People and cast his lot among the savages, he p. oved that he had one of the good qualities of the Indian of remembering an act of kindness even though he became more cruel and bloodthirsty in grati- fying his revenge. The journey to Maysville or some place near that locality where Capt. Marshall landed his party was made without mishap. It was by no means a pleasure excursion. A fusilade of bul- lets indented the boat. The trunk of a tree served as a guide for the rudder, which rising above the elevated sides of the flat-bottom boat afforded considerable protection. This position of danger was taken by Capt. Marshall and he was very careful to keep the trunk between him- self and the flying bullets, which proved a wise precaution. It was discovered afterwards that the trunk was riddled with bullets. (a) In addition to the dangers mentioned, for- eign- agents were busy stirring up trouble amongst the native population who were none too steadfast in their allegiance to the new Nat- ional Government. Organizations known as "Democratic Socie- ties" which had been recently created were in dose sympathy with the Jacobin Clubs of France. Washington considered that these so- cieties which were patronized by Genet, were for the purpose of drawing a line between the People and the Government. (b) It is credibly stated that upon his arrival he planned an expedition against the Floridas and another against Louisiana, the latter to be car- ried on from the western part of the United States. It was reported on good authority that the principal officers were engaged for the futherance of this project. "The Temper of the people inhabiting the western country was such as to furnish some grounds for apprehension that the restraints, which the executive was capable of imposing, would be found too feeble to prevent the execution of the plan." (c) "The Governor of Kentucky was requested to co- operate to frustrate this improper application of the military resources of the state." (d) "It would have been difficult to find a part of the United States in which anti-federal pas- sions blazed more fiercely than in Kentucky. The French emissaries found their project re- received with the warmest favor." (e) The authority of the Federal Government rested upon such a flimsy foundation that at- tempts were made to ignore its existence, both through domestic disaffection and unscrupulous foreign agents. The Whiskey Rebellion in Penn- sylvania in opposition to collecting the excise tax and the discontent in Kentucky and else- where for a similar reason manifested the law- less spirit that arose in opposition to the exercise of Federal authority. When open rebellion against the enforcement of the law had subsided the illicit manufacture of spirits under condi- tions of secrecy had enriched their vocabulary with the descriptive expression of "Moonshine." This industry has been attended with violence and lawlessness from its inception and many a grewsome tragedy has served to keep alive its unsavory tradition. The imposition of a tariff to supply the (a) Concerning firing on Boats, see N. J. Historical Society. Vol. 4, p. 114. (b) Spark's Washington, Vol. 10, p. 438. There was a considerable element of the Amer. ican people who were consistent in their fricod- ship for France. This attachment dated back to the days when the French Monarchy sent its fleet and army to battle for American in- dependence. This friendship abated none of its constancy to France thru all of her kaleid- oscopic changes. (c) "Two circumstances occurred which tended to create unfavorable Impressions in Kentucky toward the Government of the Union. One was the utter inability of Congress to protect them from the Northwestern tribes by com- pelling the surrender of the posts or otherwise; the other was the tendency of Congress to surrender the rights to navigate the Missis- sippi to the Ocean." (Collins History, Vol. 1, p. 261.t) (d) Marshall's Washingtotj. Vol. 5. p. 435. Collins' History of Kentucky, Vol. 3, p. 277.. (e) Colllhs' History, of Kentucky. Vol. 2, p. 48. TORTURE OF COLONEL CRAWFORD BY THE INDIANS This page in the original text is blank. CAPTAIN THOMAS MARSHALL IN A FIGHT IN A FLAT-BOTTOM BOAT This page in the original text is blank. Government with means to operate was a skill- ful device which made it possible to hold the reins of government without those subject to its authority being too conscious of the fact and be- coming restive under the curb. When Cornwallis struck his colors at York- town the difficulties that stood in the way of forming a new Government destined to take its place among the Nations of the Earth were by no means overcome. In fact, the very act of removing the common danger which the war with the Mother Country created seemed to oper- ate as a dissolvent of the enforced unity of the several colonies. The occasion of unity did not arise from within except so far as mutual re- sentiment against outside interference with domestic concerns might be so considered. The travail of the long struggle with the Mother Country had brought into existence a new Nation, but it was doubtful whether it was not a still birth. No National life or spirit seemed to animate the masses and the antago- nistic colonies. The love of independence might easily be carried to an extreme. The bonds which hold one in subjection to civil authority were weakened when the Colonies were estab- lished in the New World. The life of the frontier, where frequently the pioneer had to depend upon his own resourcefulness, and occasionally the provincial Government, tended to wean him from the Mother Country. The same spirit served to make the people of the Colonies averse to sacrificing any part of their independence even though necessary for the formation of a National Government strong enough to preserve what had been acquired through so great a sacrifice. At this time Great Britain still retained possession of a number of frontier posts south of the Great Lakes and it was generally believed that they were responsible for the uncompro- mising attitudes of the natives. (a) Washington appeared distrustful of the de- signs of our European neighbors. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson he writes: "If Spain is really intriguing with the Southern Indians I shall en- tertain strong suspicions that there is a very clear understanding in all this business between the courts of London and Madrid and that it is calculated to check, as far as they can, the rapid increase, extension and consequence of this country." (b) It was quite manifest that Great Britain and Spain were planning mischief while the French Republic sought to drag the nation into the vortex of a European conflagration which made an armed camp of the principal nations of Europe. The aborigine, wedded to his savage life was almost compelled by the law of neces- sity to continue a struggle which could only end in his extermination or conquest. The na- tional government at this period was considered almost as a foreign government by many of its citizens, and the wholesome and necessary exer- cise of its authority was seriously challenged by some who stood in positions of grave responsi- bility. (c) The relations of the new national government to the Indians involved complications. The changes that had taken place might well confuse the simple mind of the savage. After a long rivalry between France and England he witness- ed the breaking out of the French and Indian war when most of the Indian tribes allied them- selves with France; then followed English occu- pation of Canada; afterwards the revolt of the English colonies from the mother country when the colonies and France were at war with Eng- land. The Indians instinctively sided with England against the Colonies perceiving that the American government threatened them with more immediate disaster. Notwithstanding this they still retained their love for their old allies, (a) Marslasll's Washington, Vol. 5, p. 642. (b) Spark's Washington, Vol. 10, p. 280. Lord Dorchester does not appear in the role of a peace maker in delivering a speech to the Grand Council of the Miami's, 1793, when he states that a war between Great Britain and the United States was likely and that a "line between the two Nations must be drawn with the sword." Such observations were calculated to excite trouble. It was like throwing a fire- brand into a magazine filled with explosives. (c) Efforts made by General H. Lee to obtain a continental force of 700 or even 300 to protect the western frontier were opposed lest it con- fer too niuch power on the Federal Govern- ment. Collins' History of Kentucky, Vol. 1, p. 33. the French. Colonel Clark, who was so ac- tive in reducing the redmen to order also appreciated the importance of obtaining the co- operation of the French inhabitants in the newly acquired territory. Through the latter the Indians were told that "their old father, the King of France, was come to life again and was mad with them for fighting with the English; that if they did not wish the land to be bloody with war, they must make peace with the Americans." (a) Peace was finally concluded with the Indians. "The various parties were assembled, white and red; the Chief who was to open the Council, advanced to the table at which Col. Clark was sitting, "with the belt of peace," in his hand, another with the sacred pipe, and a third with the fire to kindle it. After the fire was lighted it was presented to the heavens, then to the earth and completing a circle was presented to all the spirits, invoking them to witness what was about to be done. The pipe was presented to Col. Clark and afterwards to every person present." When these formalities were finished the speak- er addressed himself to the Indians as follows: "Warriors, you ought to be thankful that the Great Spirit has taken pity on you, has cleared the sky and opened your ears and hearts, so that you may hear the truth and we hope that, as the Great Spirit has brought us together for good, as he is good, so we may be received as friends and peace may take the place of the bloody belt." The speaker then threw in the middle of the room the bloody belt of wam)pum and flags which they had received from the British and stamped upon them in token of re- jection. Afterwards Col. Clark made his reply; then the pipe was again kindled and presented to all the spirits as witnesses." (b) It was smoked and the Council was concluded by shaking hands. The Western Country along the Ohio and Mississippi appeared to be the storm centre (c) where a post of observation had to be main- tained to guard against the intrigues of Great Britain on the North and the designs of Spain in the South and West, seeking to control the natural outlet of a large part of the commerce of the United States by the lMississippi River. The Northern and Southern Indians who had beejn accustomed from an early period to invad- ing the state in pursuit of game or for war-like purposes created another element of disturbance. There was a great deal of disaffection among the white population of the state and a considerable portion of it was suitable material for designing and intriguing mischief-makers. It is quite clear that the situation required the presence of a clear-headed and dominating personality to confirm the wavering in their al- legiance and guard against the dangers along the frontier. The stars of our political firmament were still nebulous and unformed and the Nation had not yet become an "Indestructible Union of Inde- structible States." In support of this supposition, it is well known by the student of American History that during the early days of the Republic only the feeblest tie held the citizen in his allegiance to the Federal Government. The Colony, and after- ward the State seemed to engage his affection and appeal to his loyalty. It must be borne in mind that the supremacy of the Federal Gov- ment and the indissolubility of the Union was only finally settled by the Civil War. In fact, at this period the Federal Government was regarded with suspicion and at times with dis- trust. To explain this more fully a brief review of the events of that period might suffice. Before Kentucky became a state nine constitutional con- ventions were held, 1784-1790, demanding a separation from Virginia. (d) The State of Virginia consented on condition that Kentucky would be admitted as a State in the Federal Union. Afterwards there was a strong sentiment manifested in favor of a separa- tion from the Federal Government due in a great (a) Butler's History of Kentucky, p. 63. (b) Butler's History of Kentucky, p. 71. (c) Kentucky lies topographically in the center of the grouping of states." Collins' History, Vol. 1, p. 335. (d) General Wilkinson formed the Kentucky seces- Sf011 movement and declared his intention of becoming the "Washington of the West." Bev. Afar. Vol. 3, p. 284. General Wilk1insoln said "Spain might concede to Kentucky alone what she would not to the United States." (Collins' History of Kentucky, Vol. 1, p. 270 ) This page in the original text is blank. COLONEL CLARK MAKING A TREATY OF PEACE WITH THE INDIANS This page in the original text is blank. measure to the Jay Treaty with Spain which deeded to that Nation the rights of navigation on the Mississippi River for twenty-five years. The supposition was advanced that most of the settlers were loyal and that this means was em- ployed to bring pressure to bear upon the Fed- eral Government. Resolutions were drawn up in 1798 by Thomas Jefferson condemning the Alien and Sedition Laws as being extra-consti- tutional. (a) This meant practically an asser- tion of state sovereignty, equal if not superior to the National authority. The Supreme Court of the United States was not even considered as the proper authority to pass on the question. It affords matter for serious consideration when one recalls that Thomas Jefferson, who after- wards became president of the United States, was the author of these resolutions. The following quotation at a considerably later period is interesting reading for the present generation: "The Federal Government is in truth our foreign Government, which dpart- ment alone is taken from the depar of the several states." (b) We pass to a later period to search for responsibility for the nullification and secession doctrines, but who can say how far declarations of this character were the real cause of crystalizing sentiment in opposition to the Government There was one central idea around which all the Colonists rallied, the principle of local seli- government. This principle furnished a basis of union against the SMother Country when the attempt was made to govern the colonies without giving them representation, and against their consent. This principle carried to an extreme greatly embarrassed the work of creating a Na- tional Government. An external danger imperfectly furnished a common basis for union and co--operation but when this was removed the victory threatened a disaster almost as great as defeat. The suic- cess of Washington in the field, the state.;man- ship of Hamilton, and the long and powerful efforts of Marshall upon the bench to impart vitalitv to the constitution of the United States. barely sufficed to hold the Union intact until the -inevitable conflict" broke out, and the Na- tion was finally established upon a permanent basis. (c) The Continental Congress was only a league representing the several colonies; the Articles of Confederation, while an improvement upon what might be described as an "Entente" be- tween the Colonies was little better than -a rope of sand" except so far as it was an earnest of more than complete accord and harmony of action. It seems likely that the secession movement at a later period was only the reanimation of the old disunion feeling which almost prevented the formation of a National Government. One might look in vain in the debates between the statesmen on the question of the relation of the state to the Federal Government for the explan- ation of the dhiision of public sentiment. It ante- dates the foundation of the National Govern- ment; the attachment to the state as distinct from the National Government was inheritedi from the old Colonial system, and when new states were formed, they were considered by many as the creations of a confederacy, not of a National Government. This view has no bear- ings upon the subject of how the Constitution should be considered or construed as a legal document. The statesmen who framed it had their own views respecting what it meant, and it is certain, they were seriously divided on the subject. The debates undoubtedly furnished up to date arguments, but the sentiment of loyalty to the State as distinct from the National Gov- ernment, had its origin in the colonial period, the final adoption of the Constitution of the United States, after considerable delay and with (a) Kentucky resolutions declared "that the Con- stitution of the United States Is a compact be- tween the sev eral states, as states: each sover- eign state being an integral part to the com- palt. That as in other co-pacts between equal sov eregns, who has-e no judge, each party has a right to interpret the compact for itself. and is bound by no interpretation but its own. That the general governmnt has no final right in any of its branches to interpret the extent of its own powers.- (Col. Vol. 1. p. 285 by Jef- erson. ) (b) Jefferson's Letter to Robert Garnet, February 12. 1826, Henry Adams, Vol. 1, p. 216. (c) As late as 1804 there was a strong Feierailat sentiment In favor of secession. (Bev. Mar. VAl. 3, p. 26.) the greatest reluctance, affording no great as- surance that the sections out of which a National Government was to be formed had really be- come fused into a national unit; a national pub- lic sentiment had not as yet been created or de- veloped. Even at the late period of the crisis which brought on a Civil War the habit was greatly prevalent of looking to the state as the final source of authority, and many, if not the majority of the people, during that conflict were decided by the action of their native states. The most notable instance was that of General Robert E. Lee who refused the command of the Federal Army and followed the action of his state, although personally opposed to secession. The present generation, educated in a differ- ent social and political atmosphere, are unable readily to appreciate the weakness of the senti- ment of nationality during the early days of the Republic. This state of mind transmitted to a later period influenced the secession move- ment which brought on the Civil War. Per- haps this mental attitude on the part of a large portion of the public had more to do with the final outcome of the controversy between the sections than the arguments or theories of John C. Calhoun and other statesmen of that school. Altho the individual is apt to suppose that he acts on his own initiative, it would probably sur- prise him to learn that he is to a large extent merely a creature of circumstances which have moulded him. The population of the United States at the close of the American Revolution was well under four million inhabitants spread over an area that extended from the St. Lawrence and the Lakes to Florida, and west to the Mississippi River, already an immense empire, altho occu- pying less than half of its present area. The means of communication were of the most prim- itive character and consequently hindered to a great extent that social intercourse which tends to create a National public opinion. The press, that powerful agency for giving expression to public sentiment and creating it-, possessed a very feeble and uncertain existence. Illiteracy was quite prevalent throughout most of the country and the difficulty of reaching a public so scattered and almost inaccessible still further curtailed the influence of the press. The great bulk of the population lay east of the Alle- ghanies and along the navigable water courses which provided natural means of communication and intercourse. (a) The development of the modern agencies of communication were in those days unknown; it was before the days of railroads, steamboats automobiles, telephones and telegraphy, which are now so potent in facilitating the interchange of ideas. If one bears in mind the foregoing facts it may be possible to imagine the conditions that existed when Col. Thomas Marshall exiled him- self and several members of his family from his native state of Virginia and sought a new domicile in the Kentucky wilderness. The region west of the Alleghanies in those days was hardly effected by the tide of immi- gration which had been confined chiefly to the Atantic sea-board. It was still practically the wilderness of the savage and the trapper; a few hardy spirits formed the pioneer class living on the outskirts of civilization, and established a fringe of settlements in this region. It appeared that at this period Kentucky was the center of disaffection in the western country. It was quite evident that a careful supervision was required in that locality. Col. Thomas Marshall seemed to be the man the situation especially demanded. In this connection it is well to consider what inflamable material was ready for the purpose of a designing schemer. The weakly assembled parts of the Federal Government and the slender tie that held them together made them a tempt- ing prey for political intrigue. Taking advantage of this state of affairs, Genet, the French Min- ister, (as heretofore indicated) sought to em- broil the United States in a European War al- most in defiance of the Federal authority. (b) (a) Smith's Wealth of Nations., p. 26. (b) It would have been difficult to find a part of the United States in which anti-federal pas- stone blazed more fiercely than In Kentucky. The French emissaries found their mission re- ceived the utmost favor. (Collins' History of Kentucky, p 48.) t:00000S:Xffi0S ff I d I f t j ,, \, This page in the original text is blank. Summing up the situation, then, we find that Kentucky was the center of all the disturb- ing elements that threatened the solidity, if not the very life of the new Republic. Spain and afterwards France were disposed to impose con- ditions for the privilege of using the Mississippi River; England found a pretext for retaining the posts on the Lakes, the savage viewed with well grounded apprehensions the growth of the new government and the settlement and occu- pation of Kentucky was the first formidable advance of civilization across the Alleghanies and was a rude thrust into a veritable hornet's nest of savages; the independence of its pio- neer population verging to lawlessness could hardly brook the assertion of this strange nation- al authority though imposed ever so gently; and finally, to crown all these hardships and trials, influential public men sought to undermine the Federal authority which might have been reasonably considered more a phantom than a reality. When all these sinister tendencies are con- sidered and that in Kentucky they reached their most acute state, it is easy to understand what must have inspired the migration of Col. Marshall to that region and from what source came that inspiration. The thought turns our attention to the man who for nearly eight years (a) We have certain pertinent facts before us. but the actual truth wIll never be known. The clear perception of Washingto. grasped the situation; he was fully aware of the dangers to the new government from disorganizing tendencies. He must have known and appreci- ated the character of Col. Marshall and have relied upon him to exercise a vigilant super- vision in that important section. During the early days in Virginia, Beveridge says, Thomas Marshall always acted with bore the burdens of a struggle checkered with many reverses and at its conclusion might well have his misgivings whether the victor's wreath was not a crown of thorns. Col. Marshall, when he emigrated to Ken- tucky, being fifty-three years of age, was past the time of life when youthful ardor and love of adventure would be likely to cause him to turn his back upon a life of ease and comfort, which must have been to him a welcome relief after his strenuous experience during the Revolutionary War. It was of the utmost importance, how- ever, to establish a post of observation during this unsettled period in a section which more than any other seemed to concentrate the dis- affection so rife in the Republic; someone was required with sufficient influence to curb the lawless spirits who are apt to mistake license and insubordination for the proper exercise of their liberties. The backwoodsman and Indian fighter were bold, open-hearted and adventurous, but they might easily become pliable material in the hands of a plausible and designing man. (a) A candid review of the foregoing statement of facts would therefore corroborate the tradition that policy and patriotic motives more than per- sonal interest inspired Col. Marshall with the idea of fonning a settlement in Kentucky. Washington This tends to show how close were their relations. (Bev. Marshall. VoL 1L p. 64-note. ) Colonel Marshall had also served under Wash- ington during the Revolutionary War. .In his boyhood. Colonel Marshall in said to have attended with George Washington the school of Rev. Archibald Campbell. Rector of Washington Parish. He also accompanied Washington in his surveying excursions for Lord Fairfax.' c. (The Marshall Family, by Wm. M. Paxton.) s wrtu ARflerttun T is hard to conceive at the present time of the obstacles that stood in the way of the statesman who undertook the work of construction at the end of the Ameri- can Revolution. The common danger having been removed, it remained to be seen what in- ternal tendencies might operate to draw the col- onies together. The first settlers, restless under political and religious restraints, sought in the New World a freedom denied them on their native soil. Tleir influence was considerable in shaping the early life of the colonies but subsequent migra- tions were of a different character and greatly modified social conditions. A virgin country where a totally new en- vironment gave scope to the development of free thought, produced a population quite dis- similar to the Mother Country and likewise jeal- ous of their rights and independence as separate colonies. Account must also be taken of the new lib- eralizing spirit of the age which made its effect felt in the Old World as well as the New. This spirit tended to question all sources of authority and was the fore-runner of the conception that government should be based upon the consent of the governed. The soil of America where the colonists had become accustomed to depending upon themselves in so many ways was congenial to the development of this theory. It was a logical sequence to the overthrow of the divine rights of kings, but it still left the question open re- specting the source and center of political author- ity. Evidently the people were compelled to as- sume this responsibility. It was easier to unite the Colonies for a common defense, imperfect as that Union man- ifested itself, than to establish a Government which embodied the principle of permanent au- thority. To subject the public will to self- imposed limitations in adopting a Constitution easily led to misconceptions respecting the necessity for such a/limitation. Yielding to the natural tendency Considering the British form of Government as its pattern excepting in re- spect to certain changes that had already been determined, it became necessary to give the United States Constitution a character that made it radically different. A conservative sentiment which would preserve inviolate time- honored traditions had not yet been developed. It was obvious that constitutional safeguards must be rendered secure against a capricious popular sentiment. At a later period the de- cisions of Chief Justice Marshall pointed the way to establishing the United States Supreme Court as its true guardian. It was true that Great Britain had a Constitution, but Parlia- ment was the sole judge respecting its limita- tions and upon the judgement of Parliament the electorate could finally decide. The nescessity for imposing rules upon oneself is not readily preceived by most people; especially is this the case among those who are accustomed to taking the law in their own hands. It is significant that even the Almighty exercises His Will thru established laws. It is undoubtedly true that the greatest progress has been made in govern- ment when settled rules have been substituted for the exercise of capricious will power. The spirit which arose in opposition to governmental authority exercised in disregard of public sentiment was tempted to lawlessness and defiance of all authority. (a) Instances of this evil tendency were frequent in the Colonies, and even to a far greater extent in France at that time, whose autocratic government was overturn- ed by a popular uprising shortly after the Ameri- can Revolution. Its successive revolutionary governments wanting in stability, seemed to rest upon quicksand. Perhaps the worst besetting sin of a popular govermnent is disregard of legal authority. The expression of "dead-letter laws" has passed into a by-word and is a symptom of this malady. Popular self-government has been tried in early times, under very different conditions. The experiments attempted in Greece and Rome were soon abandoned when their authority was ex- tended over a great extent of territory and over alien peoples. With the increase of wealth, the corruption of the franchise rapidly undermined the free expression of the popular will, while the vast alien population within the government proved a menace to the small number who exer- cised it. Before the establishment of the government of the United States, a subject or citizen en- tered into that condition by virtue of birth. It was a condition created by the operation of a natural law and not by the act of the individual. The necessity of readily absorbing the ever in- creasing population largely made up of foreign immigration resulted in devising a plan for naturalization. This made considerable addi- tion to the number of citizens of foreign birth. The development of this policy essentially mod- (a) See Bev. Marnhall, Vol. 1. P. 275. I000 00000 ; JOHN MARSHALL. CHIEF JUSTICE t0. I 0 0 00 0 This page in the original text is blank. ifies the conception of allegiance; it implies the right of the native born to change his allegiance and is a direct denial of the contention that it is an unalterable condition of birth. It gave expression to an advanced idea that attachment to a principle of government took precedence of natural allegiance. The liberal policy pursued by the United States in admitting to citizenship people of for- eign origin evaded the danger of having a large alien population within its borders bound by no ties of allegiance. With the gradual weakening of racial prejudice and the development of class antagonism, which did not confine itself to any country, but rapidly extended thruout a great part of Europe as well as in the United States, civilization was entering upon a new phase. In what way was the United States related to this change Is it conceivable that estab- lishing a government based upon self-determina- tion, already timidly manifesting itself in the Old World, could of itself give such a vigorous impulse to the advancement of popular govern- ment.t It would certainly be rash to claim that organizing such a Government in the New World was sufficient of itself to bring about the great social upheavals that almost immediately follow- ed in Europe and within a decade led to the es- tablishment of Republics to the south in Spanish America. The spirit to effect such a change had to some degree already manifested itself. But the example of such a government being already established, produced a tremendous impression and gave more definite direction to the yearning for a new order of things where the popular will might find expression. Now when authority, based upon hereditary principle, had been overthrown and a new basis of government was sought, the difficulty of creating a legal mechanism thru which the pop- ular will might function presented itself. The conservatism that still tenaciously held to the colonial government had to be respected while making effective the principle of popular gov- ernment. The result was about what might have been expected, declarations of broad and gen- eral principles embodying the most advanced ideas in government and a complicated system of checks and balances in distributing the powers of government between the state and National Governments. It is doubtful whether the people of the several states had a clear conception of the scheme devised to furnish them with a new government. Two ideas were clearly defined; it meant the destruction of the hered a principle in government and a closer union fmiiutual pro- tection. Obediance to laws imposed by an hereditary authority so long as the public conscience feels it a duty to respect that authority can be readily understood, but the duty to respect laws and authority self-imposed might easily lead to con- fusion in the minds of many. It might impress them more as a question of expediency than a civic duty. The will of the majority is a vague and undefined sovereignty which is not likely to impress the imagination. Too often that major- ity is obtained thru the default of an awakened public sentiment to assert itself. Experience of the present day rather tends to indicate lax obedience and disrespect for official authority. It is instructive to study the practical working out of this principle in the United States at the present time. Colossal corporations, formerly of capital and afterward of labor, have appeared to overshadow the majesty of the law. The means provided by government for the redress of grievances are too frequently regarded with suspicion even tho emanating from the popular will. The tendency of society to break up into classes and the classes into groups, having special interests, is plain to the most casual observer. The result is the formation of organ- izations to promote the welfare of special inter- ests. This tendency is natural and, kept within reasonable bounds, serves useful purposes, but the temptation to abuse the possession of power is often too great to be resisted. The autocratic demands of labor leaders within a recent period have not infrequently prostrated the business and the transportation systems of the country; not satisfied with inter- fering with the enforcement of the law to pro- tect the rights of the community, they have not stopped short of overawing the officials in charge of the Government and compelled the enactment of the so-called Adamson law. This law was not enacted in compliance with a popular demand, but under compulsion. It was the summit to which labor autocracy has yet attained and marks the crowning official humiliation of our representatives in authority. The national crisis when the government became involved in the World War afforded an opportunity to exact demands favorable to certain organized groups from which the great mass of the people could derive no benefit. These instances indicate the danger to which a popular form of government is exposed; the corrective remedy seems to be in an enlightened public opinion and in electing to public office servants with sufficient courage to maintain the ascendance of the law, and protect the public welfare against the assaults of an organized self-centered minority. Popular control in Government, means that social tendencies shall have free scope to develop. It is undoubtedly true that a definite policy can be conceived and carried out better under a strong autocratic government; it has more cer- tainty of purpose. It may be questioned whether the ship of state does not drift with too little guidance under the former, and whether under the latter failure to appreciate the signs of the times may not lead frequently to wanton and useless obstruction of necessary social changes. It may be that the attempt to attain perfection in the art of government or in creating the mechan- ism to that end is visionary, but assuming that popular control which is bound to have its day is the best, what are the chances of its submitting to capable and conservative leadership The question is easily asked, but how will it be answered The political organism bears an analogy to the body, being subject to certain physical laws, which have to be recognized. Social tendencies are no less insistent, whether they manifest them- selves as a disease that must run its course, or as a wholesome change that will advance the well being of society by its acceptance. It is not at all unlikely that society in the long run will fare better under a form of govern- ment, which reflects its moods, tho sometimes wrong, than under the wisest statesmanship, (it that can be found,) which may occasionly op- pose the social tendencies that must be worked out by actual experiment. The advent of the American Republic be- tokened the dawn of a new era, destructive of the hereditary principle in government and fixing official responsibility. The hope of the future lies in the successful working out of this theory which at first was regarded as an experiment, but which has now well passed beyond that stage, yet stands in need of greater improvement. The foregoing narrative deals mainly with political conditions explaining the purpose Col. Marshall had in view in migrating to Kentucky and establishing there his headquarters and post of observation. The following, however, seems worthy of being recorded: An adventure of Col. Thomas Marshall dur- ing the early days of his sojourn at the Old House has been preserved by tradition. It is related that riding home one evening, he became aware that he was being pursued by a band of Indians. He acted as tho he suspected nothing. Being faintly visible in the twilight he rode his horse under the shade of some trees whose dense foliage served as a screen to hide him from view. He then quickly dismounted and giving the horse a smarting cut with the whip, hid among the bushes at the road-side. The excited animal immediately started off at full speed and true to its instincts directed its course toward home. The Indians having discovered that their presence was known, but believing that the rider was still on the horse, started off in pur- suit. When the savages, like so many spectres, had vanished in the darkness and the clattering hoofs of the terrified horse were heard no longer, Col. Marshall made his way to Maysville, or Limestone, as it was formerly called, where he soon collected a party of hardy backwoodsmen to go to the rescue of his family, whom he had reason to believe would require help. MR. MARTIN MARSHALL FORMER RESIDENT OF THE "OLD HOUSE ON THE HILL" This page in the original text is blank. LITTLE "LOUIS MARSHALL" FIFTH GENERATION FROM COLONEL THOMAS MARSHALL BORN IN THE "OLD HOUSE ON THE HILL" lw mm, 3SW 1 This page in the original text is blank. Being continually exposed to the danger of sudden attacks, the frontiersman was trained to quick thinking and prompt action. Col. Mar- shall rightly conjectured that the horse would run home. He was not deceived in his calcula- tion. Mrs. Marshall, when she saw the riderless horse knew that there was danger near at hand. There was no time to speculate respecting the fate of her husband. His remains might be lying somewhere tomahawked and scalped, or he might be in a life and death grapple with his treacherous foe. It was the time for decision and quick action. The house was put in a state of defense. Scarcely were the doors and windows barricaded (a) than the savages arrived and sur- rounded the house. The attack was continued for quite a while against its resolute defenders until Col. Marshall and his party arrived and routed the savages, who were in the act of set- ting fire to the house. An incident of the Old House at a later per- iod of its history may be of interest. It is well known that Kentucky was quite equally bal- anced in its sympathies between the North and South during the crises of the Civil War. One acquainted with the state's history recalls the patriotic service rendered by Martin P. Marshall, the adopted son of Chief Justice Marshall, in keeping the state from straying out of the fold. There should be added to the Roll of Honor on account of their support of the Union cause the names of Hon. James K. Speed, Attorney-Gen- eral in President Lincoln's cabinet, and Benja- min A. Bristow, afterward Postmaster-General in President Grant's cabinet, and Kemp Goodloe, a prominent lawyer of Louisville. (b) The language used by Washington at an early period about the western country, repre- sented principally by Kentucky, would have been quite as applicable at the commencement of the Civil War: "Standing as it were upon a pivot, the touch of a feather would turn it either way." (c) In the year 1874. as nearly as can be ascertained, Hon. Martin Marshall received a visit from his loyal Union compatriots above mentioned, whose services were so decisive in keeping the state loyal to the Federal Govern- ment. These gentlemen journeyed by boat from Louisville to Maysville, where they were met by the conveyance of Mr. Marshall and driven to the "Old House on the Hill." It would hardly seem a mere accident that such a place was selected as a rendevous for these loyal souls. Tradition has not preserved a detailed account of the conversation among them, but it is creditably reported that it was replete with anecdotes and reminisences about the "Old House on the Hill' and the part it played in the National life when the Federal Government was being formed and its discordant elements were being knitted together. Still true to its traditions there survived the spirit that would preserve what had been created. When the hour of parting drew near all realized that it was for the last time. It is not necessary to intrude into the affecting farewell that was taken of the old place and of each other. When the walls of the "Old House on the Hill" rose above their foundations, the pioneer dressed in "homespun" clothes or skins of wild animals, and the savages were the only inhabi- tants of Kentucky. The region west of the Alleghanies was practically an unbroken wild- erness. Great herds of buffalo, elk, deer and other wild animals, also feathered game which came in immense flocks that darkened the sky. supplied in abundance the needs of the few in- habitants. The old flintlock (muzzle-loading) rifle was the constant companion of the frontiers- (a) T have been told by a later generation that the original windows of the house were quite small and were afterward enlarged. (b) The following graphil account 1s given of the last session of the Kentueky Legislature at- tended by Unionists and Confederates before then had actually taken part in the strugle- "When the final session closed, as its members parted and clasped hands In adieu. they bade eaeh other l.ood-Speed. well knowing that comniasions in the Federal Army were already signed for many. and that for many more Con- federate soldiers were waiting as leaders: knowine too that when they met agalt to argue the question, It would he the asslxe of blood. and decid,.d by the wager of battle.-" ol-lins' History of Kentucky. Vol. 1. p. 341. (e) Spark's Washington. Vol. 9, p. 63. man, even when cultivating the ground. Only the savage or the pioneer skilled in woodcraft could safely venture in the great wilderness which lay west of the Alleghanies. "The Old House on the Hill" in those days was an imposing edifice with its walls of brick in a great wilderness, where only the log-cabin or the Indian wigwam furnished shelter for human beings. The few luxuries for the Marshall homestead, after being transported thru miles of wilderness to Wheeling and from that point floated down the river, presented a strong con- trast to the simple life of the backwoodsman. For many years this mansion continued a social centre after the savage had disappeared. With- in its walls have assembled the leading citizens of the state up to the period of the Civil War, and even afterward its prestige was not for some time dimmed. It had not long to wait to see itself displaced as a frontier post. The Louis- iana purchase, 1803, removed the barrier which held back the tide of emigration that has con- tinued to press westward until the frontier has finally disappeared. The business and indus- trial development of the state and the increase of wealth have revolutionized the social life and architecture. Today the sight-seer would hardly regard the Old House as an object worthy of his attention because of its imposing appearance. It possesses, however, a character and a history which leaves ft without a rival. It has witnessed the painful struggle of the Federal Government to establish itself and take its place among the Nations of the earth; it has watched like a sen- tinel in the wilderness guarding against the in- roads of the natives, the intrigues of the courts of London and Madrid, the questionable adventurer of the Burr type seeking to stir up the elements of disaffection in a population too much accustomed to the unrestrained license of the frontier; it has felt the thrill which vibrated from the French Revolution, while Genet craftily sought to inflame the embers of discontent into a blaze, and having watched like a faithful guardian, it has grown old and been forgotten. 'it transit plnrtU manbt- I 0 z 0: z or 00 z 0 In 3 0 z 14 m3 0 This page in the original text is blank. Thomas Marshall, Sr., 1730-1802. Mary Keith M., his wife, 1737-1809. Their children buried here are: Thomas Marshall, Jr., 1760-1817. Frances Kennan, his wife, 1772-1833. Susan McClurg, 1774-1858. Charlotte Marshall Duke, (doubtful) 1777-1817. Children of Thomas Marshall, Jr: Thomas Marshall III, 1793-1853 ( no others of his family.) John Marshall, 1795-1859; Lucy Marshall, 1796-1835 (daughter of A.K.M.) Mary K. Green, 1797-1887; Eliza C. Marshall, 1801-1874; Martin P. Marshall, son of Charles M., Sr., 1798-1883; Lucy Ambler Marshall (wife of N. D. Coleman) 1802-1858; Charles A., 1809-1896; Phoebe A. (his wife) 1817-1902; Children of John and Lucy Marshall: Ann Maria (James Paxton, her husband) Fanny M. Chambers, 1818-1840; Mary McDowell Marshall, 1837-1899; John Marshall, 1830-1896; James Marshall, 1835-1913; Children of M. P. and Eliza Marshall: Mary WVilles Marshall, 1829-1908; R. M. Marshall, 1832-1911; Susan M. Massie, 1838-1915; Phoebe A. Marshall, 1840-1915; Children of Charles A. and Phoebe Marshall: Maria, 1836-1862; Eliza (wife of Maurice Waller) 1841-1909; Sarah P., 1854-1854; Charles A., Jr., 1855-1859; Susan, 1843-1849; Sarah Belle Waller, 1878-1914 Fannie (daughter of Frances Marshall) 1854- 1854; Children of A. M. and Eliza F. Marshall. William F., 1861-1873; Eliza, 1857-1858; Thomas, 1871-1876; Louis, 1874-1910; Hester (wife of J. P. Marshall) 1852-1908.