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No. 123 "A Federal Union - National And State Responsibilities" Speech of Fitzgerald Hall, President of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company before the Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, April 20, 1936.
No. 123 "A Federal Union - National And State Responsibilities" Speech of Fitzgerald Hall, President of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company before the Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, April 20, 1936. American Liberty League. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images Digital Library Services, University of Kentucky Libraries Lexington, Kentucky Am_Lib_Leag_123 These pages may freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. No. 123 "A Federal Union - National And State Responsibilities" Speech of Fitzgerald Hall, President of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company before the Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, April 20, 1936. American Liberty League. American Liberty League. Washington, D.C. 1936. This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. JOIN THE AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE The American Liberty League is organized to defend and uphold the Constitution of the United States and to gather and disseminate information that (1) will teach the necessity of respect for the rights of persons and property as fundamental to every successful form of government and (2) will leach the duty of government to encourage and protect individual and group initiative and enterprise, to foster the right to work, earn, save, and acquire property, and to preserve the ownership and lawful use of property when acquired. The League believes in the doctrine expressed by George Washington in his Farewell Address that while the people may amend the Constitution to meet conditions arising in a changing world, there must "be no change by usurpation; for this * * * is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.** Since the League is wholly dependent upon the contributions of its members for financial support it hopes that you will become a contributing member. However, if you cannot contribute it will welcome your support as a non-contributing member. Enrollment Blank American Liberty League National Press Building Washington, D. C. Date......... I desire to be enroUed as a member of the American Liberty League. Si gnat u Name ................................. Street...................,.............. Town .................................. County .......................... State. Enclosed find my contribution of $....... to help support the activities of the League. A FEDERAL UNION-NATIONAL AND STATE RESPONSIBILITIES â˜… â˜… â˜… Speech of FITZGERALD HALL President of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company, and Member of the National Advisory Council of the American Liberty League before the Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Com-of the United States, Washington, D. C. April 20, 1936 AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE National Headquarters NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING WASHINGTON, D. C. (123) Document No. 123 A Federal Union National and State Responsibilities We HEN you have finished with this pamphlet please pass it on to some friend or acquaintance who might be interested, calling his attention to the membership blank on page 24. XT WAS Thomas Jefferson's birthday. At the seat of government, triumphant democracy had gathered "her beauty and her chivalry." That mighty warrior of the plain people, the then Chief Executive of the Nation a rugged individualist if there ever was one raised his glass. The vast audience sat expectant. The toast "Our Federal Union it must and shall be preserved." And preserved it has been through all the years at that travail you all do know. What, then, is this "Federal Union"? Is it worth preserving? What are its component parts what relation do they bear, each to the other and all to the whole what are their collective and individual responsibilities? That, ladies and gentlemen, is the general subject to which, with your indulgence, I shall briefly address myself. But, first, a few preliminary observations. WHY THESE INQUIRIES? Have not these questions been mooted indeed, fought over until, to some at least, they have become as "tedious as a twice-told tale. . . ." To be sure. But a voracious office-holding class, affiliated with all political parties, ever a devotee of an all-p6werful centralized state, where the government is master and the citizens are servants, has again arisen to challenge our free institutions, and would persuade us, indeed would coerce us, to depart from our ancient moorings to set sail on an uncharted sea in a new Ship of State, without fixed guide or compass. This challenge by public servants to popular government has been very clearly and definitely made it has powerful office-holding support it is not without precedent and not wholly devoid of reason. It is, of course, true that the form of any given government is not all-controlling in its effect, good or had, upon the people. Cicero was substantially correct when he said: "Such as are the leading men of the State, such is the State itself." Strong men and patriotic men throughout the ages have differed as to the best form of government, and such differences have obtained in this country from the beginning to the present time. Here Alexander Hamilton is looked upon as the historical leader on the one side, and Thomas Jefferson on the other. Strange as it may seem, the present so-called Democratic administration now openly espouses, in part at least,* the Hamiltonian theory. That particular theory is based on the assumption that the average man is not competent either to govern himself intelligently or to properly solve the complex problems of state. Hamilton and his adherents, therefore, favored a form of government under which practically supreme power would be lodged in the hands of a chosen few. Centralization of power at the seat of the Federal Government was their object. The Jeffersonian theory, on the other hand, was that the people were more competent to run their own affairs than the office-holders, so that the form of government best suited to the genius of America was one in which no individual and no group, howsoever learned or patriotic, could deprive either a majority or a minority of the people of the right and power to regulate their own affairs. Distribution of power local self-government was its object. * See Administration's brief in U.S.A. v. Butler, Case 401 in U.S. Supreme Court, 195 Term, commencing at page 136. I The Form of the Federal Union 0 UR FOREFATHERS, out of a wealth of personal experience, concluded to establish a form of government which avoided the potential excesses both of a highly centralized state and of a pure democracy. So, the people of these United States, by the Federal Constitution, established what, in the terminology of political philosophy, is called a republican form of government. That form, in some features, was similar to many governments of the Old World. But in two important particulars, at least, it differed materiaUy from any form or system theretofore established. It must be remembered that when the present Constitution was ordained there were in existence thirteen separate and distinct governments, each complete and sovereign. Because of the weaknesses of the Confederacy the people realized the wisdom, indeed the necessity, of a certain amount of close cooperation. But the existing sovereignties were not willing to abdicate aU of their powers and functions, so, by our federal organic law, they created the government of the United States, which is not a complete form of government and was never so intended. Bear in mind that each constituent member of the government of the United States is a complete form in and of itself, and each could exist without the Federal Government; whereas the Federal Government is not a complete form or system and is absolutely dependent on the continued separate existence of the member states. Our forefathers had seen in operation, and had suffered under, a system of centralized government, where office-holders beyond the sea, unfamiliar with American conditions, undertook to direct local affairs here. The absurdities and the injustices of such a system confirmed the founding fathers in the wisdom of insisting that the principle of local self-government, long in effect in England, be likewise made effective here. To maintain the benefits of local self-government, and yet to have a strong common agency to manage problems common to all the several states, was the basis of the American system of dual sovereignty. Under this system the common agency, the Federal Government, has no inherent power, is not a complete sovereignty, and may exercise only those powers which the states specifically delegated in the Federal Constitution. All powers, other than those so delegated, were reserved to the states or to the people, including the power, by fixed and definite procedure, to modify or alter the form of government. THE FOUNDING FATHERS, so much sneered at these modern days by foreign-thinking professors and brain-trusters, were practical students of government and of history. They knew the imperfections of mankind. Therefore, in establishing the American form of government, they declined to repose complete power in any official or group of officials. They knew that, if they did, sooner or later some individual or group, selfish, corrupt, or ambitious, would undertake to subvert the objects and purposes of the American system, which was to guarantee each individual the fullest play for the development of his own resources in the enjoyment of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," consistent with an orderly society. So they established the famous "checks and balances" of the American system. The Administrative branch was given certain powers, but these were subject to check, first, by the Legislative branch and, second, by the Judiciary. They knew that the Legislative branch could not be entirely trusted, so they subjected that hranch, first, to the veto power of the Executive, and, second, to the scrutiny of the Judiciary. Then they established the second wholly novel feature of the American system and it is its balance wheel namely, a permanent, non-political Supreme Court, with absolute power to apply the peoples' yardstick, namely, the Constitution of the United States, to every act, both of the Administrative and Legislative branches of the Federal Government, and to every act of every branch of the governments of the several states. Speaking of this form, Lord Macaulay, in his now famous letter written in 1857, said: "Your constitution is all sail and no anchor." He appraised with uncanny accuracy, to be sure, some of the defects in the American system, but he failed to recognize the real function, power, and worth of the Supreme Court of the United States, the establishment of which constituted the greatest single contribution made to the science of government by the modern world. And what a record it has made! There, at least, the Goddess of Justice reigns supreme, that ". . . .Goddess whose symbols are known to all, a throne that tempests cannot shake, a pulse that passion cannot stir, eyes that are blind to a feeling of favor or ill-will, and the sword that falls on all offenders with equal certainty and with impartial strength." Under the American form of dual sovereignty, whether it be good or bad I think it the best yet devised by man, the Federal Government, eliminating its power to regulate interstate and foreign commerce, has neither responsibility nor power over the education of the individual, his work, his living conditions, his health, morals, social or economic status. These vital responsibilities, so close to the people, are exclusively matters of local and therefore state concern, to be dealt with according to the varying and peculiar conditions obtaining in each state and according to the preferences of the people directly affected. The colossal failure of the Eighteenth Amendment and the statutes thereon based demonstrate, first, the futility of undertaking to solve local problems by federal law, and, second, the impossibility of revamping human nature by legislative fiat. So it is that under our form of government that which we term the American system -we have the following: (a) The several states each a complete sovereignty save as it has with the consent of its own citizens specifically authorized the Federal Government to act for it in matters of national scope. Except as related by their joint federal agency, each state bears to each other the same relation which any one foreign nation bears to another. Each such state has complete, plenary, and exclusive power over its purely domestic concerns, i.e., education, morals, health, social and economic problems, agriculture, and business. (b) The common agency the federal union has no inherent power only those carefully enumerated and limited powers over matters of general concern, such as interstate and foreign commerce, money, the postal service, war, and foreign relations. It the Government of the United States has neither responsibility nor power to do anything whatever to regulate or control the health, education, morals, and general social and economic condition of the citizens of the several states. It is not the master of the States, but only their common servant and agent. (c) The people have carefully avoided depriving themselves of the power to alter, abolish, modify, or amend the organic law of any constituent member of this dual sovereignty or their common agent, the Federal Union, and have specifically provided the exact machinery and procedure for so doing. Modification in any other way is a naked usurpation of power and an inexcusable breach of public trust. (d) This carefully chosen form of government was deliberately designed to guarantee the people, first, the maximum of freedom in their own private affairs, and, second, the greatest protection against the office-holding classes. This form is not the most economical nor the most efficient, but it is the most perfect system yet devised to protect the people from the ambitions and follies of their temporary public servants. It is the greatest system yet devised to guarantee to every citizen the fullest opportunity for self-development and the enjoyment of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." II The Real Cause of Our Troubles If, THEN, our form of government be so excellent and it is what is the reason that now, and for some years, the American people have been subjected to such disheartening vicissitudes? The answer is not difficult. First, the impairment by the office-holding class and their hangers-on of the peoples' right of suffrage; second, the general lack of capacity, courage, and patriotism of the average officeholder, other than the judiciary, of whatsoever political faith, and, third, the deliberate refusal of public servants to obey the clear mandate of the people set forth in the Constitution. Let me elaborate this answer: (First) I am talking to business men. We, as a group, have, for several years, been indicted by the politicians and the demagogues before the bar of public judgment as being everything we should not be. That there are among us rascals, incompetents, and undesirable citizens, none know better than ourselves. But, happily, the proportion of such undesirables is indeed small. But let us reverse the customary procedure by bringing to the bar of public opinion for intelligent analysis the record of politicians in general Democrat, Republican, Socialist, Communist, and what not. Here are the real facts. Registration records are falsified, ballot boxes are stuffed, votes not properly counted, public funds misappropriated, the savings of the people squandered for political purposes, elections deliberately stolen. Let me read you what a great man, active in the councils of the Democratic party for a half century dear old Henry Watterson had to say, and I quote from his book entitled "Marse Henry": "For the time being the politicians of both parties are in something of a funk. It is the nature of parties thus situated to fancy that there is no hereafter, riding in their dire confusion headlong for a fall. Little other than the labels being left, nobody can tell what will happen to either. Progressivism seems the cant of the indifferent. Accentuated by the indecisive vote in the elections and heralded by an ambitious President who writes Humanity bigger than he writes the United States, and is accused of aspiring to world leadership, democracy of Jefferson, Jackson and Tilden ancient history has become a back number. Yet our officials still swear to a Constitution. We have not eliminated state lines. State rights are not wholly dead."1 "It is the habit nay, the business of the party speaker when he mounts the raging stump to rear his platitudes into the ears of those who have the simplicity to listen, though neither edified nor enlightened; to aver that the horse he rides is sixteen feet high; that the candidate he supports is a giant; and that he himself is no small figure of a man. Thus he resembles the auctioneer. But it is the mock auctioneer whom he resembles; his stock in trade being largely, if not altogether, fraudulent. The success which at the outset of party welfare attended this legalized confidence game drew into it more and more players. For a long time they '"Marse Henry" an autobiography by Henry Watterson (pp. 187-188). 10 deceived themselves almost as much as the voters. They had not become professional. They were amateur. Many of them played for sheer love of the gamble. There were rules to regulate the play. But as time passed and voters multiplied, the popular preoccupation increased the temptations and opportunities for gain, inviting the enterprising, the skillful and the corrupt to reconstitute patriotism into a commodity and to organize public opinion into a bill of lading. Thus politics as a trade, parties as trademarks, the politicians, like harlots, plying their vocation." 3 THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE is the sine qua non of popular government yet to what extent do the American people really enjoy that right? Generally speaking, they are permitted merely to vote for politically hand-picked candidates in whose choosing they have little or no voice. Take our two great national parties Democrats and Republicans. They are really two close corporations. The entire party machinery, generally speaking, is in control of the federal office-holding aristocracy, aided manfully to be sure, by professional politicians in the several states. To all practical purposes our national conventions are aggregations of men and women passing judgment on their own conduct and seeking further means to perpetuate themselves on the public payrolls. One of the greatest hindrances to making the American form of government effective as designed is the practically complete domination of party machinery by office-holders; and neither party can ever justify the entire confidence of the American people until each, by specific self-regulation, honorably kept, provides that no public official, federal or state, can be a delegate to any local or national convention. Party machinery must be wrested from the selfish politicians and restored to the people where it belongs. "Ibid. (pp. 222-223). 11 By continued impairment of civil service, of which all parties are about equally guilty, the public service has been rendered not only more expensive and inefficient, but positively corrupt. Men and women are appointed and you aU know it to public office, not with an eye single to the public welfare, but almost invariably to j strengthen the political hand of him who ob-tained the appointment. We have many excellent men local as well as national in public service, but as a whole the office-holding class is inefficient, selfish, ambitious, and cowardly. The truth is that the real menace to free America is its office-holding oligarchy. And as one means of preventing the plain people from protesting against political spoliation, the most inexcusable tyranny is being exercised by investigating committees and federal bureaus who do not seek all the truth, but rather to destroy those who dare oppose them. Public investigation can be of real service, but as now performed, to a large degree, it is merely official terrorism designed to increase the power of the politicians at the expense of the people. You know and I know the many serious defects among business men. But with all these defects, when we are fairly compared with the professional politicians of the Nation, we, individually and as a class, completely outstrip them J in intelligence, ability, character, and patriotism. | (Second) We have had in the past, and have j today in the legislative and administrative branches of government, federal and state, some of the ablest and most patriotic characters in the Nation. But when we consider the number of such men of ability, courage, and character in proportion to all public office-holders, the result is both startling and discouraging. Each of you visualize your own local situations with which you are intimately familiar. How many competent and successful men do you know who have entered public life? How many 12 do you know who have entered public service for the privilege of serving the Nation as distinguished from the power and emoluments of office? How many of you business men would be willing to turn over the management of either your private or business interests to the men you know in public office? Municipal government, particularly in the larger cities, has, generally, been not only extravagant, but in open alliance with some of the worst enemies of society. Relatively few states of which I have any knowledge have been run in any degree comparable to that of an ordinary business. Incompetence, graft, and selfishness have been the rule rather than the exception. How MANY MEN do you yourselves know in the present federal congress and in the two preceding ones who personally approved the measures which they either sponsored or voted for? Don't you know it to be a fact that many Congressmen and Senators in the last few years have privately admitted that they doubted the wisdom of many bills they supported by their influence and votes? Indeed, so infrequently do our public servants demonstrate either independence or courage that one of our too few really great Senators was recently publicly acclaimed largely because he was not afraid to speak his own mind and vote his own convictions. I have the greatest respect for any man who is willing to vote his own honest convictions, howsoever much they may differ from my own. But for the man who disapproves a measure and yet votes for it for political purposes, who thus prefers his own supposed political preferment to the welfare of the people, I have nothing but supreme contempt. It is not any weakness in the American form or system, but a woeful lack of proper official 13 personnel independent, experienced, courageous and honest which is threatening to wreck the greatest system of government yet devised. (Third) We hear constant talk about the supposed breakdown of the old order and the defects of the American system. Who are those who say such things? Largely the politicians. What are the facts? There is nothing the matter with the old order and nothing the matter with the American system, either of government or economics. It is the abuse thereof which has brought us to our present unfortunate situation the deliberate failure of the constituted authorities to properly perform their public trust or to conform their public activities within the clearly denned limits set out by the people themselves in the organic law of the Nation. Let me be a little more specific: (a) The Congress, in despair because of its own incompetence, has delegated, unlawfully, many of its most important constitutional functions to others. It has, instead of appropriating specific sums for specific constitutional purposes, appropriated billions to be used practically at the whim and caprice of administrative officials. (b) The Congress, instead of itself legislating, has, in several vitally important matters, delegated its legislative powers practically without limitation to administrative officers and agencies. (c) The Congress has done its best to destroy the Anglo-Saxon principle of local self-government. It was not Ulysses S. Grant who effected the near-destruction of "State's Rights," but rather the man who invented "Federal Aid," by virtue of which the politicians of the federal government, working with politicians of local governments, have undertaken the regulation and operation of the purely local affairs of the several states. Let me give you a typical example: The American people are today being taxed to obtain sums of money for the bureaucrats in Washington to finance the building and 14 establishment of a dog pound in the City of Memphis, Tennessee. I do not doubt that Memphis needs a dog pound. But surely that at least is a local function for the people of Memphis. And after the federal politicians had fulfilled the purely local responsibility of taking care of stray dogs in Memphis, the great Senate of the United States needs must consume its supposed valuable time to discuss the merits of this purely local and trifling matter. (d) The federal government, by congressional usurpation and administrative fiat, has undertaken to regulate the most intimate details in the lives and businesses of every citizen; how many potatoes they may plant, how many pigs a sow can have, how much corn and tobacco a farmer may legally raise, how many hours an employe in a little pencil factory in middle Tennessee may work, and what he must be paid, and so on ad infinitum et ad nauseam. Politicians are undertaking to arrogate unto themselves in Washington all the powers of a totalitarian state, wherein they are the complete masters and the citizens and the taxpayers are no longer free, but must toil or play at the dictate of their overlords in Washington. (e) The politicians, by their own admission incompetent to regulate business effectively, now assert that, therefore, they and they alone can operate business successfully, so more and more federal office-holders, in open defiance of the Constitution, are forcing this great government to invade every form of private endeavor which, under the American system, is the exclusive function and right of the individual. (f) The office-holding class are levying taxes and borrowing billions to be paid by further taxes not to carry on the normal routine of governmental functions, but to make effective their own peculiar views of economic and social questions without having been empowered so to do by the sovereign people. (g) Social security and all of its incidentals 15 are and should be matters of exclusive state control. The political answer, "Do you want the people to starve?" begs the question. Each State, with the able assistance of such great and voluntary welfare agencies as the American Red Cross and the Salvation Army, if public officials do their duty, can and will take care of its own unfortunates, but the local politicians, either incapable or afraid to do their own duty, have called on the federal politicians to do it for them, so between the two the substance of the people is being in large degree wasted. "For his bounty there was no winter in't, an' autumn 'twas that grew the more by reaping." Ill Principles Enunciated by the Great Statesmen of the Past BUT YOU are all familiar with the efforts of the politicians to usurp the powers and destroy the liberties of the people of these United States. Let us now test some of the things being done by the public utterances of some of the great statesmen of the past. (a) First, let me quote from Thomas Jefferson: "Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; . . .'" "In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by appro- 8 A Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presidents, by James D. Richardson, Vol. I (p. 323). 16 priating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition. ..." * "Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise." 5 ". . . to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burthens; to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers, and cherish the federal union as the only rock of safety. ..." 0 (b) Next, let us turn for a moment to the typical Democrat of America Andrew Jackson and hear some of the things which he said: "In the domestic policy of this Government there are two objects which especially deserve the attention of the people and their representatives, and which have been and will continue to be the subjects of my increasing solicitude. They are the preservation of the rights of the several States and the integrity of the Union. These great objects are necessarily connected, and can only be attained by an enlightened exercise of the powers of each within its appropriate sphere in conformity with the public will constitutionally expressed. . . . "My experience in public concerns and the observation of a life somewhat advanced confirm the opinions long since imbibed by me, that the destruction of our State governments or the annihilation of their control over the local concerns of the people would lead directly to revolution and anarchy, and finally to despotism and military domination. In proportion, therefore, as the General Government encroaches upon the rights of the States, in the same proportion does it impair its own power and detract from its ability to fulfill the purposes of its creation." 7 "The leading principle then asserted was that 'Ibid. (p. 329). 'Ibid. (p. 330). *A Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presidents, by James D. Richardson, Vol. I (p. 346) 'Ibid., Vol. Ill (pp. 3-4). 17 Congress possesses no constitutional power to appropriate any part of the moneys of the United States for objects of a local character within the States."8 "From the extent of our country, its diversified interests, different pursuits, and different habits, it is too obvious for argument that a single consolidated government would be wholly inadequate to watch over and protect its interests; and every friend of our free institutions should be always prepared to maintain unimpaired and in full vigor the rights and sovereignty of the States and to confine the action of the General Government strictly to the sphere of its appropriate duties."8 (c) Lastly, listen to sturdy old Grover Cleveland: "In the discharge of my official duty I shull endeavor to be guided by a just and unstrained construction of the Constitution, a careful observance of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people, and by a cautious appreciation of those functions which by the Constitution and laws have been especially assigned to the executive branch of the Government. . . . Every citizen owes to the country a vigilant watch and close scrutiny of its public servants and a fair and reasonable estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus is the people's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civil polity municipal, State, and Federal; and this is the price of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the Republic."10 "This devotion will lead us to strongly resist all impatience of constitutional limitations of Federal power and to persistently check the increasing tendency to extend the scope of Federal legislation into the domain of State and local jurisdiction upon the plea of subserving the public welfare. The preservation of the partitions between proper subjects of Federal and local care and regulation is of such importance under the Constitution, which is the law of our very existence, that no consideration of expediency or sentiment should tempt us to enter upon 8 Ibid. (p. 65). 8 Ibid. (p. 299). 10 A Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presidents, by James D. Richardson, Vol. VIII (pp. 300-301). 18 doubtful ground. We have undertaken to discover and proclaim the richest blessings of a free government, with the Constitution as our guide. Let us follow the way it points out; it will not mislead us. And surely no one who has taken upon himself the solemn obligation to support and preserve the Con* stitution can find justification or solace for disloyalty in the excuse that he wandered and disobeyed in search of a better way to reach the public welfare than the Constitution offers."11 WlTH WHAT IMPATIENCE those now in public authority regard the wise restraints of the people's organic law, you all know. How they have undertaken to either ignore or circumvent it is a matter of public record. One experiment after another in bewildering multiplicity is tried as if America were one vast laboratory and we, the people, were guinea pigs, existing solely that our brain-trusters may subject us all to every fallacy of the ages. But our government, our social order, we ourselves, must be reformed, not as we may wish, but after the pattern designed by our public servants and this, too, overnight. Of the futility of such a course, listen to the words of Woodrow Wilson: "In politics nothing radically novel may safely be attempted. No result of value can ever be reached in politics except through slow and gradual development, the careful adaptations and nice modifications of growth. Nothing may be done by leaps. More than that, each people, each nation, must live upon the lines of its own experience. Nations are no more capable of borrowing experience than individuals are. The histories of other peoples may furnish us with light, but they cannot furnish us with conditions of action. Every nation must constantly keep in touch with its past; it cannot run towards its ends around sharp corners." IV The Ship op State GOVERNMENT, to a considerable degree, ebbs and flows with the economic tides. No nIbid. (p. 778). 19 single factor, even in this complex age, plays so vital a part in the life of every individual and the welfare of every endeavor as transportation. So apt and appropriate it is that we refer to this great government of these United States as "The Ship of State." Some there be who say that, built as She was in "horse and buggy" days, She is no longer seaworthy so should be relegated, as so many before, to the Valhalla of the Nations. No more false idea ever emanated from the mind and heart of man. Built She was by trained and expert hands, under the direct supervision of the most brilliant array of practical statesmen ever assembled at one time in the history of the world; constructed with timbers which Anglo-Saxons these thousand years have hewn, at infinite cost of blood and treasure, from the citadel of centralized power itself; designed to ride every storm and tempest that might blow. She is as sound, as modern, and as eternal as the Ten Commandments themselves. It is true that She is listing badly; that She is consuming in her engines the produce of future generations; that She moves first this way, then that, without fixed guide or compass. But the fault is neither in her design nor her construction; and the remedy is neither to scrap or rebuild the Ship of State, but rather that the official crew be made to walk the plank. Then restore upon her bridge Common Sense, Experience, and lofty and unselfish Patriotism then from bow to stern and engine room to fighting top man her with old-fashioned, rugged individualists whose bloodstream is unpolluted by one single foreign "ism" then turn her prow to the open sea and once more chart her course by the fixed lights of the organic law of the Nation, and America will move forward, safely, majestically and irresistibly to that port where endures peace, prosperity, security, justice and liberty, under a government of law. PAMPHLETS AVAILABLE (^OPIES of the following pamphlets and other League literature may be obtained upon application to the League's national headquarters. Statement of Principles and Purposes American Liberty League Its Platform Inflation The Holding Company Bill The Farmer's Home Bill The Supreme Court and the New Deal Expanding Bureaucracy Lawmaking by Executive Order New Deal Laws in Federal Courts Dangerous Experimentation Economic Planning Mistaken But Not New Work Relief The AAA and Our Form of Government Alternatives to the American Form of Government A Program for Congress The 1937 Budget Professors and the New Deal Wealth and Income The Townsend Plan The Story of an Honest Man The New AAA The President's 1936 Tax Proposals New Work Relief Funds The President Wants More Power (leaflet) The Townsend Nightmare (leaflet) A Farmer Speaks (leaflet) Will It Be Ave Caesar? (leaflet) Our New Spoils System (leaflet) The Magi and the Showdown (leaflet) Government by Busybodies (leaflet) Gratitude In Politics (leaflet) The National Labor Relations Act Summary of Conclusions from Report of the National Lawyers Committee Straws Which Tell An Open Letter to the President By Dr. Neil Carothers The Duty of the Church to the Social Order Speech by S. Wells JJtley PAMPHLETS AVAILABLE (continued) Two Amazing Years Speech by Nicholas Roosevelt The Duty of the Lawyer in the Present Crisis Speech by James M. Beck The Constitution and the Supreme Court Speech by Borden Burr Inflation is Bad Business Speech by Dr. Neil Carothers The Fallacies and Dangers of the Townsend Plan^Speecfe by Dr. Walter E. Spahr What of 1936? Speech by James P. Warburg Americanism at the Crossroads Speech by R. E. Desvernine The Constitution and the New Deal Speech by James M. Carson The American Constitution Whose Heritage? Speech by Frederick H. Stinchfield The Redistribution of Power Speech by John W. Davis Time to Stop Speech by Dr. Neil Carothers The Facts In the Case Speech by Alfred E. Smith The Townsend Utopia Speech by Dr. Ray Bert Wester field Inflation and Our Gold Reserve Speech by Dr. E. W. Kemmerer The Constitution The Fortress of Liberty Speech by James A. Reed Entrenched Greed Speech by Dr. G. B. Cutten Should We Amend the Constitution to Grant the National Government General Welfare Powers? Speech by W. H. Rogers The New Inquisition Speech by Jouett Shouse It Can Be Done Speech by Merrill E. Otis The Voice of the Constitution Speech by Arthur H. Vandenberg The Need for Constitutional Growth by Construction or Amendment Speech by R. E. Desvernine Shall We Have Constitutional Liberty, or Dictatorship? Speech by James A. Reed An American Philosophy Speech by Jouett Shouse The Liberty League Old Friendships Destroyed Speech by Daniel O. Hastings